Kuch Anhoni Khabren
Showing posts with label Pakistan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Pakistan. Show all posts
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Kitnay Dusham Bnayen gai by Javed Ch
Creating more and more enemies...
آپ کو 26 نومبر 2008ء کی وہ شام یاد ہو گی جب بھارتی شہر ممبئی کے آٹھ مقامات پر حملے شروع ہوئے‘ یہ حملے دس نوجوانوں نے کیے اور یہ سلسلہ تین دن تک جاری رہا‘ حملوں میں بھارت کے 166 افراد ہلاک اور تین سو زخمی ہو گئے‘ آپ کو یہ بھی یاد ہو گا‘ بھارتی میڈیا نے ان حملوں کی ذمے داری پاکستان پر ڈال دی تھی‘ بھارتی میڈیا منہ سے نفرت کے شعلے اگلنے لگا اور یوں پاکستانی میڈیا سامنے آنے پر مجبور ہو گیا‘ ممبئی پولیس نے حملوں کے آخری دن دعویٰ کیا ’’ ہم نے پاکستانی حملہ آور اجمل قصاب گرفتار کر لیا ہے‘‘ اس دعوے کے ساتھ ہی وہ کہانی شروع ہو گئی جس نے بھارت اور پاکستان کے درمیان نفرتوں اور غلط فہمیوں کے نئے بیج بو دیے‘ ممبئی پولیس نے اجمل قصاب اور ان کے ساتھیوں کے خلاف 12 ایف آئی آر درج کیں‘ 12 افسروں کو تفتیش کی ذمے داری سونپی گئی‘ اجمل قصاب نے واقعے کے 2 ماہ 21 دن بعد مجسٹریٹ کے سامنے اقبال جرم کیا‘ 15 اپریل2009ء کو عدالتی کارروائی شروع ہوئی اور اجمل قصاب عدالت میں پہنچ کر اعترافی بیان سے منحرف ہو گیا‘ اس نے دعویٰ کیا ’’میں بالی ووڈ میں ایکٹر بننے کے لیے بھارت آیا تھا‘ پولیس نے مجھے اس واقعے سے بیس دن قبل جو ہو کے علاقے سے گرفتار کیا‘ یہ واقعہ ہوا تو پولیس نے مجھ پر تشدد کر کے یہ اعترافی بیان لے لیا‘‘.
پولیس نے فہیم ارشد انصاری اور صباح الدین دو بھارتی شہریوں کو اجمل قصاب کا ساتھی ڈکلیئر کر کے عدالت میں پیش کیا‘ فہیم پر الزام تھا اس نے ہاتھ سے ممبئی کے نقشے بنائے اور یہ نقشے صباح الدین نے نیپال کے ذریعے اجمل قصاب کے استاد ذکی الرحمن لکھوی کو بھجوائے‘ پولیس عدالت میں ان دونوں کو مجرم ثابت نہ کر سکی چنانچہ یہ دونوں باعزت بری ہو گئے‘ اجمل قصاب کا مقدمہ 332 دن چلا‘ چارج شیٹ 14280 صفحات پر مشتمل تھی‘ گواہوں کی فہرست میں 2202 لوگ شامل تھے‘ 657 گواہوں کو عدالت میں پیش کیا گیا‘ عدالت نے 110 سماعتیں کیں‘ اجمل قصاب کو ذاتی وکیل کی اجازت نہیں ملی‘ اسے سرکاری وکیل سے بھی ملاقات نہیں کرنے دی گئی ‘ گواہوں پر جرح بھی نہیں ہوئی ‘ اجمل قصاب نے فیصلے کے خلاف اپیلیں کیں مگر تمام اپیلیں خارج ہو گئیں اور یوں اسے 21 نومبر 2012ء کی صبح سات بجے پونا جیل میں پھانسی دے دی گئی‘ اسے جیل ہی میں دفن کر دیا گیا۔
اجمل قصاب دنیا سے رخصت ہو گیا لیکن اپنے پیچھے سوالات کی نہ ختم ہونے والی لکیریں چھوڑ گیا مثلاً دنیا کی کوئی عدالت 110 سماعتوں میں 657 گواہوں کی گواہیاں ریکارڈ نہیں کر سکتی‘ اجمل قصاب کے معاملے میں یہ معجزہ کیسے رونما ہوا؟ بھارت کے عدالتی نظام نے 1993ء کے ممبئی حملوں کا فیصلہ 2007ء میں کیا لیکن اجمل قصاب کا فیصلہ 332 دنوں میں کر دیا گیا‘ یہ بھارتی تاریخ کا دوسرا تیز ترین فیصلہ تھا‘ یہ کیسے ممکن ہوا؟ اجمل قصاب کا اعترافی بیان بھی تضادات کا مجموعہ تھا‘ یہ دو جماعت پاس لیکن اس کا بیان انتہائی پڑھے لکھے نوجوان جیسا تھا‘ پاکستان کے کسی بھی حصے میں قصابوں کو قصاب نہیں کہا جاتا‘ یہ قریشی کہلاتے ہیں یا قصائی‘ اجمل پھر قصاب کیسے ہوگیا؟
اجمل قصاب نے اعترافی بیان میں اپنے پورے خاندان چچاؤں‘ تایا اور پھوپھیوں کے ایڈریس‘ نمبر اور ان کے بچوں کی تفصیل لکھوائی‘ اس نے ان کے ٹیلی فون نمبر تک لکھوا دیے‘ یہ کسی ان پڑھ نوجوان کے بس کی بات نہیں‘ پاکستانی خالہ کو موسی نہیں کہتے لیکن اجمل نے خالہ کو موسی لکھوایا‘ لاہور کا کوئی شخص داتا دربار کو علی ہجویری درگاہ نہیں کہتا مگر اجمل نے اسے علی ہجویری درگاہ لکھوایا‘ اجمل کے بیان میں ’’لاہور کا مزدوروں کا اڈہ‘‘ درج ہے‘ لاہور میں ایسا کوئی مقام نہیں‘ وہ ٹریننگ کے دوران بار بار حافظ سعید اور لکھوی صاحب سے ملاقات کا ذکر کرتا ہے‘ یہ بھی بعید از قیاس ہے‘ دنیا کا کوئی لیڈر کسی ادنیٰ کارکن سے اس طرح نہیں ملتا‘ یہ اعترافی بیان میں مریدکے اور مانسہرہ کے سفر کو بارہ گھنٹے قرار دیتا ہے‘ یہ لاہور سے مظفر آباد کے سفر کو 17 گھنٹے کہتا ہے‘ یہ بھی غلط ہے‘ ہم سب پاکستانی کشمیر کو آزاد کشمیر کہتے ہیں لیکن اجمل قصاب اسے پاکستانی مقبوضہ کشمیر لکھواتا ہے‘ دو جماعت پاس نوجوان سیٹلائٹ فون‘ جی پی ایس اور نقشے سمجھنے کا بھی ایکسپرٹ ہے‘ ہم ٹورسٹس کو سیاح کہتے ہیں مگر اجمل نے اسے درویشی سیلانی لکھوایا‘ پاکستان کیا پورے عالم اسلام میں رمضان عید نہیں ہوتی‘ مسلمان عیدالفطر کو چھوٹی عید اور عیدالاضحی کو بڑی عید کہتے ہیں لیکن اجمل نے چھوٹی عید کو رمضان عید قرار دیا اور ہم پاکستان میں میجر جنرل اور لیفٹیننٹ جنرل دونوں کو صرف جنرل کہتے ہیں مگر اجمل اپنے بیان میں میجر جنرل کو میجر جنرل اور لیفٹیننٹ جنرل کو لیفٹیننٹ جنرل لکھواتا ہے‘ یہ کیسے ممکن ہے؟
یہ سارے سوال جواب چاہتے ہیں مگر بھارت کے کسی سمجھ دار اور غیرجانبدار شخص نے یہ جواب تلاش نہیں کیے‘ آپ انھیں بھی چھوڑ دیجیے‘ بھارت اس ڈیوڈ ہیڈلے کو کہاں رکھے گا جس نے 18 مارچ 2010 ء کوشکاگو کی عدالت میں اعتراف کیا تھا ’’ ممبئی حملوں میں میرا ہاتھ تھا‘‘ ڈیوڈ ہیڈلے ایف بی آئی اور سی آئی اے کا ڈبل ایجنٹ تھا اور بھارت اپنے سینئر بیورو کریٹ وی آر وی ایس منی اور سی بی آئی کے سینئر عہدیدار استیش ورما کے ان حلفی بیانات کا کیا جواب دے گا جس میں ان لوگوں نے انکشاف کیا ’’ 2001ء کے پارلیمنٹ اور 2008ء کے ممبئی حملے بھارت نے خود کرائے تھے‘‘ بھارت ان سوالوں کے جواب کب اور کہاں دے گا؟۔
یہ اجمل قصاب کے مقدمے کا ایک پہلو تھا‘ آپ اب دوسرا پہلو بھی ملاحظہ کیجیے‘ اجمل قصاب نے بھارت میں17 فروری 2009ء کو اعترافی بیان دیا لیکن پاکستان نے اس اعترافی بیان سے پانچ دن قبل12 فروری کو حافظ سعید‘ ذکی الرحمن لکھوی‘ حماد امین صادق‘ مظہر اقبال‘ شاہد جمیل ریاض‘ عبدالواجد،محمد جمیل اور یونس انجم کے خلاف مقدمہ درج کر دیا‘ یہ لوگ گرفتار بھی ہو گئے‘ یہ مقدمہ پچھلے پانچ برسوں سے زیر التواء ہے اور اس کی واحد وجہ بھارتی رویہ ہے‘ یہ جرم کیونکہ بھارتی سرزمین پر ہوا تھا چنانچہ ثبوت پیش کرنے کی ذمے داری بھی بھارت کی تھی‘ عینی شاہدین اور گواہ بھی بھارت میں تھے ‘ پاکستان کی عدالتوں اور وکلاء کو گواہوں اور ثبوتوں تک رسائی بھی بھارت نے دینی تھی مگر بھارت نے پانچ برسوں میں یہ رسائی‘ یہ ثبوت نہیں دیے‘ پاکستانی وکلاء حافظ سعید اور ذکی الرحمن لکھوی پر الزام لگانے والے فہیم ارشد انصاری اور اجمل قصاب سے ملنا چاہتے تھے‘ بھارت نے اجازت نہیں دی‘ پاکستان نے بھارتی مجسٹریٹ اور تفتیشی افسر کو پاکستانی عدالت میں پیش کرنے کی درخواست کی‘ بھارت نے انکار کر دیا‘ پاکستانی عدالت نے استغاثہ اور صفائی کے وکلاء کو گواہوں کے بیان ریکارڈ کرنے کے لیے بھارت بھجوانے کا حکم دیا مگر بھارت سے اجازت نہ ملی‘ بھارت نے اصرار کے بعد 2012ء میں پاکستانی عدالتی کمیشن کو صرف چار گواہیاں ریکارڈ کرنے کی اجازت دی لیکن جب ان سے گواہوں پر جرح کا حق مانگا گیا تو بھارتی عدالت نے صاف انکار کر دیا‘ یوں ڈیڈ لاک ہو گیا‘ سفارتی کوششیں شروع ہوئیں تو پاکستانی وکلاء کو جرح کا حق دے دیا گیا مگر عدالتی کمیشن کے بھارت پہنچنے سے پہلے اجمل قصاب کو پھانسی دے دی گئی یوں جرح کا سرے سے امکان ختم ہو گیا‘۔
اجمل قصاب کو کسی آزاد شخص‘ ادارے یا این جی او سے ملاقات نہیں کرنے دی گئی‘ بھارت نے انصار برنی تک کو ملاقات کا موقع نہیں دیا‘ حافظ سعید اور لکھوی صاحب پر فہیم ارشد انصاری اور صباح الدین نے الزام لگایا تھا‘ یہ دونوں بری ہو چکے ہیں لیکن الزام ابھی تک قائم ہے‘ مقدمے کے دوران دعویٰ کیا گیا‘ حملہ آوروں کے حافظ سعید اور لکھوی صاحب سے ٹیلی فونک رابطے تھے مگر تمام فرانزک رپورٹس نے اس الزام کو رد کر دیا‘ رپورٹس کے مطابق حملہ آور امریکی اور بھارتی نمبروں پر رابطے میں تھے‘ کسی فون کے ذریعے کسی پاکستانی نمبر پر رابطہ نہیں ہوا‘ ملزمان کو ای میل بھی ماسکو سے بھجوائی گئی تھی‘ بھارت آج تک حافظ سعید اور ان کے ساتھیوں کے خلاف کوئی ثبوت پیش نہیں کر سکا‘ پاکستانی عدالتی کمیشن اور تفتیشی افسروں تک کو بھارت جانے اور تفتیش کرنے کی اجازت نہیں دی گئی‘ پاکستان کو مطلوب معلومات بھی فراہم نہیں کی گئیں لیکن اس کے باوجود بھارت کی طرف سے حافظ سعید اور ان کے ساتھیوں کے خلاف سزا کا مطالبہ جاری ہے‘ بھارت اس معاملے میں اس قدر پروپیگنڈا کر رہا ہے کہ میاں نواز شریف 23 اکتوبر 2013ء کو صدر اوبامہ سے ملاقات کے لیے وائٹ ہاؤس گئے تو صدر اوبامہ نے ڈرون حملوں پر بات چیت کے بجائے جماعت الدعوۃ کا کیس کھول لیا اور ممبئی اٹیکس پر گفتگو شروع کر دی‘ ہمارے وزیراعظم امریکی صدر کے دباؤ میں آ گئے اور انھوں نے باہر نکل کر پاکستانی میڈیا سے فرما دیا ’’ ہمیں بھی اپنے ہاؤس کو ان آرڈر کرنا چاہیے‘‘ ہمارے وزیراعظم کو کسی نے اصل صورتحال بتائی ہی نہیں تھی چنانچہ جب امریکی صدر نے میاں نواز شریف کے سامنے جماعت الدعوۃ کا ایشو اٹھایا تو یہ پریشر میں آ گئے۔
حافظ سعید پاکستانیوں کے لیے محترم ہیں‘ یہ کشمیری ہیں‘ یہ کشمیر کی تحریک میں انتہائی فعال رہے‘حافظ سعید اور ان کے ساتھیوں نے کشمیر کی آزادی کے لیے بے انتہا قربانیاں دیں‘ کشمیر پاکستان کی شہ رگ ہے اور اس شہ رگ کی بقا کے لیے میاں نواز شریف سے لے کرعام شہری تک ہر شخص ‘ ہر قسم کی قربانی دینے کے لیے تیار ہے اور یہ قربانی اگر جرم ہے تو پھر ہم سب مجرم بھی ہیں اور ہمیں اپنے اس جرم پر فخر بھی ہے‘ میاں نواز شریف اور حافظ سعید دونوں کا کاز ایک ہے‘ میاں نواز شریف نے کل آزاد کشمیر کی اسمبلی میں کھڑے ہو کر جن خیالات کا اظہار کیا‘ حافظ سعید اور ان کے ساتھی برسوں سے ان خیالات پر عمل کر رہے ہیں‘ حافظ سعید صاحب اور ان کی جماعت پاکستان کی چند بڑی فلاحی تنظیموں میں بھی شمار ہوتی ہے‘ یہ زلزلوں سے لے کر سیلابوں تک ملک کی ہر مشکل میں دامے،درمے اور سخنے شریک ہوتی ہے‘ آپ آواران کے زلزلے کو لے لیجئے 24 ستمبر 2013ء کو سندھ اور بلوچستان کے مختلف شہروں میں شدید زلزلہ آیا‘ اس زلزلے میں بلوچستان کے دو اضلاع گوادر اور آواران متاثر ہوئے‘ ریاستی ادارے آواران نہیں پہنچ سکے لیکن حافظ سعید کے ساتھی وہاں پہنچے بھی اور انھوں نے وہاں متاثرین کی مدد بھی کی لیکن ہم نے ان کی خدمات اور قربانیوں کے اعتراف کے بجائے ان پر مقدمے قائم کر رکھے ہیں‘۔
آج بھی ذکی الرحمن لکھوی صاحب سمیت چھ لوگ جیلوں میں پڑے ہیں‘ یہ لوگ اس بھارت کے ناحق دباؤ کی وجہ سے جیلوں میں ہیں جسے ہم آج بھی دشمن سمجھتے ہیں‘ جسے ہم بلوچستان میں بدامنی پھیلانے کا ذمے دار قرار دیتے ہیں اور جسے ہم خودکش حملوں کا ماسٹرمائنڈ بھی کہتے ہیں۔چلیے ہم ایک لمحے کے لیے مان لیتے ہیں‘ یہ تمام الزام درست ہیں لیکن سوال پیدا ہوتا ہے ان الزامات کو ثابت کس نے کرنا ہے؟ کیا یہ بھارت کی ذمے داری نہیں؟ اگر ہاں تو کیا یہ اپنی ذمے داری نبھا رہا ہے؟ اگر نہیں تو پھر ہم حافظ سعید صاحب اور ان کے ساتھیوں کو کس جرم کی سزا دے رہے ہیں؟ ہم آخر کب تک محب وطن لوگوں کو اپنا دشمن بناتے رہیں گے؟ ہم کب تک ریاست کے دوستوں کا دل توڑتے رہیں گے؟ کیا ہمیں یہ فیصلہ کرنے کے لیے بھی کوئی مذاکراتی کمیٹی بنانا پڑے گی؟
آپ کو 26 نومبر 2008ء کی وہ شام یاد ہو گی جب بھارتی شہر ممبئی کے آٹھ مقامات پر حملے شروع ہوئے‘ یہ حملے دس نوجوانوں نے کیے اور یہ سلسلہ تین دن تک جاری رہا‘ حملوں میں بھارت کے 166 افراد ہلاک اور تین سو زخمی ہو گئے‘ آپ کو یہ بھی یاد ہو گا‘ بھارتی میڈیا نے ان حملوں کی ذمے داری پاکستان پر ڈال دی تھی‘ بھارتی میڈیا منہ سے نفرت کے شعلے اگلنے لگا اور یوں پاکستانی میڈیا سامنے آنے پر مجبور ہو گیا‘ ممبئی پولیس نے حملوں کے آخری دن دعویٰ کیا ’’ ہم نے پاکستانی حملہ آور اجمل قصاب گرفتار کر لیا ہے‘‘ اس دعوے کے ساتھ ہی وہ کہانی شروع ہو گئی جس نے بھارت اور پاکستان کے درمیان نفرتوں اور غلط فہمیوں کے نئے بیج بو دیے‘ ممبئی پولیس نے اجمل قصاب اور ان کے ساتھیوں کے خلاف 12 ایف آئی آر درج کیں‘ 12 افسروں کو تفتیش کی ذمے داری سونپی گئی‘ اجمل قصاب نے واقعے کے 2 ماہ 21 دن بعد مجسٹریٹ کے سامنے اقبال جرم کیا‘ 15 اپریل2009ء کو عدالتی کارروائی شروع ہوئی اور اجمل قصاب عدالت میں پہنچ کر اعترافی بیان سے منحرف ہو گیا‘ اس نے دعویٰ کیا ’’میں بالی ووڈ میں ایکٹر بننے کے لیے بھارت آیا تھا‘ پولیس نے مجھے اس واقعے سے بیس دن قبل جو ہو کے علاقے سے گرفتار کیا‘ یہ واقعہ ہوا تو پولیس نے مجھ پر تشدد کر کے یہ اعترافی بیان لے لیا‘‘.
پولیس نے فہیم ارشد انصاری اور صباح الدین دو بھارتی شہریوں کو اجمل قصاب کا ساتھی ڈکلیئر کر کے عدالت میں پیش کیا‘ فہیم پر الزام تھا اس نے ہاتھ سے ممبئی کے نقشے بنائے اور یہ نقشے صباح الدین نے نیپال کے ذریعے اجمل قصاب کے استاد ذکی الرحمن لکھوی کو بھجوائے‘ پولیس عدالت میں ان دونوں کو مجرم ثابت نہ کر سکی چنانچہ یہ دونوں باعزت بری ہو گئے‘ اجمل قصاب کا مقدمہ 332 دن چلا‘ چارج شیٹ 14280 صفحات پر مشتمل تھی‘ گواہوں کی فہرست میں 2202 لوگ شامل تھے‘ 657 گواہوں کو عدالت میں پیش کیا گیا‘ عدالت نے 110 سماعتیں کیں‘ اجمل قصاب کو ذاتی وکیل کی اجازت نہیں ملی‘ اسے سرکاری وکیل سے بھی ملاقات نہیں کرنے دی گئی ‘ گواہوں پر جرح بھی نہیں ہوئی ‘ اجمل قصاب نے فیصلے کے خلاف اپیلیں کیں مگر تمام اپیلیں خارج ہو گئیں اور یوں اسے 21 نومبر 2012ء کی صبح سات بجے پونا جیل میں پھانسی دے دی گئی‘ اسے جیل ہی میں دفن کر دیا گیا۔
اجمل قصاب دنیا سے رخصت ہو گیا لیکن اپنے پیچھے سوالات کی نہ ختم ہونے والی لکیریں چھوڑ گیا مثلاً دنیا کی کوئی عدالت 110 سماعتوں میں 657 گواہوں کی گواہیاں ریکارڈ نہیں کر سکتی‘ اجمل قصاب کے معاملے میں یہ معجزہ کیسے رونما ہوا؟ بھارت کے عدالتی نظام نے 1993ء کے ممبئی حملوں کا فیصلہ 2007ء میں کیا لیکن اجمل قصاب کا فیصلہ 332 دنوں میں کر دیا گیا‘ یہ بھارتی تاریخ کا دوسرا تیز ترین فیصلہ تھا‘ یہ کیسے ممکن ہوا؟ اجمل قصاب کا اعترافی بیان بھی تضادات کا مجموعہ تھا‘ یہ دو جماعت پاس لیکن اس کا بیان انتہائی پڑھے لکھے نوجوان جیسا تھا‘ پاکستان کے کسی بھی حصے میں قصابوں کو قصاب نہیں کہا جاتا‘ یہ قریشی کہلاتے ہیں یا قصائی‘ اجمل پھر قصاب کیسے ہوگیا؟
اجمل قصاب نے اعترافی بیان میں اپنے پورے خاندان چچاؤں‘ تایا اور پھوپھیوں کے ایڈریس‘ نمبر اور ان کے بچوں کی تفصیل لکھوائی‘ اس نے ان کے ٹیلی فون نمبر تک لکھوا دیے‘ یہ کسی ان پڑھ نوجوان کے بس کی بات نہیں‘ پاکستانی خالہ کو موسی نہیں کہتے لیکن اجمل نے خالہ کو موسی لکھوایا‘ لاہور کا کوئی شخص داتا دربار کو علی ہجویری درگاہ نہیں کہتا مگر اجمل نے اسے علی ہجویری درگاہ لکھوایا‘ اجمل کے بیان میں ’’لاہور کا مزدوروں کا اڈہ‘‘ درج ہے‘ لاہور میں ایسا کوئی مقام نہیں‘ وہ ٹریننگ کے دوران بار بار حافظ سعید اور لکھوی صاحب سے ملاقات کا ذکر کرتا ہے‘ یہ بھی بعید از قیاس ہے‘ دنیا کا کوئی لیڈر کسی ادنیٰ کارکن سے اس طرح نہیں ملتا‘ یہ اعترافی بیان میں مریدکے اور مانسہرہ کے سفر کو بارہ گھنٹے قرار دیتا ہے‘ یہ لاہور سے مظفر آباد کے سفر کو 17 گھنٹے کہتا ہے‘ یہ بھی غلط ہے‘ ہم سب پاکستانی کشمیر کو آزاد کشمیر کہتے ہیں لیکن اجمل قصاب اسے پاکستانی مقبوضہ کشمیر لکھواتا ہے‘ دو جماعت پاس نوجوان سیٹلائٹ فون‘ جی پی ایس اور نقشے سمجھنے کا بھی ایکسپرٹ ہے‘ ہم ٹورسٹس کو سیاح کہتے ہیں مگر اجمل نے اسے درویشی سیلانی لکھوایا‘ پاکستان کیا پورے عالم اسلام میں رمضان عید نہیں ہوتی‘ مسلمان عیدالفطر کو چھوٹی عید اور عیدالاضحی کو بڑی عید کہتے ہیں لیکن اجمل نے چھوٹی عید کو رمضان عید قرار دیا اور ہم پاکستان میں میجر جنرل اور لیفٹیننٹ جنرل دونوں کو صرف جنرل کہتے ہیں مگر اجمل اپنے بیان میں میجر جنرل کو میجر جنرل اور لیفٹیننٹ جنرل کو لیفٹیننٹ جنرل لکھواتا ہے‘ یہ کیسے ممکن ہے؟
یہ سارے سوال جواب چاہتے ہیں مگر بھارت کے کسی سمجھ دار اور غیرجانبدار شخص نے یہ جواب تلاش نہیں کیے‘ آپ انھیں بھی چھوڑ دیجیے‘ بھارت اس ڈیوڈ ہیڈلے کو کہاں رکھے گا جس نے 18 مارچ 2010 ء کوشکاگو کی عدالت میں اعتراف کیا تھا ’’ ممبئی حملوں میں میرا ہاتھ تھا‘‘ ڈیوڈ ہیڈلے ایف بی آئی اور سی آئی اے کا ڈبل ایجنٹ تھا اور بھارت اپنے سینئر بیورو کریٹ وی آر وی ایس منی اور سی بی آئی کے سینئر عہدیدار استیش ورما کے ان حلفی بیانات کا کیا جواب دے گا جس میں ان لوگوں نے انکشاف کیا ’’ 2001ء کے پارلیمنٹ اور 2008ء کے ممبئی حملے بھارت نے خود کرائے تھے‘‘ بھارت ان سوالوں کے جواب کب اور کہاں دے گا؟۔
یہ اجمل قصاب کے مقدمے کا ایک پہلو تھا‘ آپ اب دوسرا پہلو بھی ملاحظہ کیجیے‘ اجمل قصاب نے بھارت میں17 فروری 2009ء کو اعترافی بیان دیا لیکن پاکستان نے اس اعترافی بیان سے پانچ دن قبل12 فروری کو حافظ سعید‘ ذکی الرحمن لکھوی‘ حماد امین صادق‘ مظہر اقبال‘ شاہد جمیل ریاض‘ عبدالواجد،محمد جمیل اور یونس انجم کے خلاف مقدمہ درج کر دیا‘ یہ لوگ گرفتار بھی ہو گئے‘ یہ مقدمہ پچھلے پانچ برسوں سے زیر التواء ہے اور اس کی واحد وجہ بھارتی رویہ ہے‘ یہ جرم کیونکہ بھارتی سرزمین پر ہوا تھا چنانچہ ثبوت پیش کرنے کی ذمے داری بھی بھارت کی تھی‘ عینی شاہدین اور گواہ بھی بھارت میں تھے ‘ پاکستان کی عدالتوں اور وکلاء کو گواہوں اور ثبوتوں تک رسائی بھی بھارت نے دینی تھی مگر بھارت نے پانچ برسوں میں یہ رسائی‘ یہ ثبوت نہیں دیے‘ پاکستانی وکلاء حافظ سعید اور ذکی الرحمن لکھوی پر الزام لگانے والے فہیم ارشد انصاری اور اجمل قصاب سے ملنا چاہتے تھے‘ بھارت نے اجازت نہیں دی‘ پاکستان نے بھارتی مجسٹریٹ اور تفتیشی افسر کو پاکستانی عدالت میں پیش کرنے کی درخواست کی‘ بھارت نے انکار کر دیا‘ پاکستانی عدالت نے استغاثہ اور صفائی کے وکلاء کو گواہوں کے بیان ریکارڈ کرنے کے لیے بھارت بھجوانے کا حکم دیا مگر بھارت سے اجازت نہ ملی‘ بھارت نے اصرار کے بعد 2012ء میں پاکستانی عدالتی کمیشن کو صرف چار گواہیاں ریکارڈ کرنے کی اجازت دی لیکن جب ان سے گواہوں پر جرح کا حق مانگا گیا تو بھارتی عدالت نے صاف انکار کر دیا‘ یوں ڈیڈ لاک ہو گیا‘ سفارتی کوششیں شروع ہوئیں تو پاکستانی وکلاء کو جرح کا حق دے دیا گیا مگر عدالتی کمیشن کے بھارت پہنچنے سے پہلے اجمل قصاب کو پھانسی دے دی گئی یوں جرح کا سرے سے امکان ختم ہو گیا‘۔
اجمل قصاب کو کسی آزاد شخص‘ ادارے یا این جی او سے ملاقات نہیں کرنے دی گئی‘ بھارت نے انصار برنی تک کو ملاقات کا موقع نہیں دیا‘ حافظ سعید اور لکھوی صاحب پر فہیم ارشد انصاری اور صباح الدین نے الزام لگایا تھا‘ یہ دونوں بری ہو چکے ہیں لیکن الزام ابھی تک قائم ہے‘ مقدمے کے دوران دعویٰ کیا گیا‘ حملہ آوروں کے حافظ سعید اور لکھوی صاحب سے ٹیلی فونک رابطے تھے مگر تمام فرانزک رپورٹس نے اس الزام کو رد کر دیا‘ رپورٹس کے مطابق حملہ آور امریکی اور بھارتی نمبروں پر رابطے میں تھے‘ کسی فون کے ذریعے کسی پاکستانی نمبر پر رابطہ نہیں ہوا‘ ملزمان کو ای میل بھی ماسکو سے بھجوائی گئی تھی‘ بھارت آج تک حافظ سعید اور ان کے ساتھیوں کے خلاف کوئی ثبوت پیش نہیں کر سکا‘ پاکستانی عدالتی کمیشن اور تفتیشی افسروں تک کو بھارت جانے اور تفتیش کرنے کی اجازت نہیں دی گئی‘ پاکستان کو مطلوب معلومات بھی فراہم نہیں کی گئیں لیکن اس کے باوجود بھارت کی طرف سے حافظ سعید اور ان کے ساتھیوں کے خلاف سزا کا مطالبہ جاری ہے‘ بھارت اس معاملے میں اس قدر پروپیگنڈا کر رہا ہے کہ میاں نواز شریف 23 اکتوبر 2013ء کو صدر اوبامہ سے ملاقات کے لیے وائٹ ہاؤس گئے تو صدر اوبامہ نے ڈرون حملوں پر بات چیت کے بجائے جماعت الدعوۃ کا کیس کھول لیا اور ممبئی اٹیکس پر گفتگو شروع کر دی‘ ہمارے وزیراعظم امریکی صدر کے دباؤ میں آ گئے اور انھوں نے باہر نکل کر پاکستانی میڈیا سے فرما دیا ’’ ہمیں بھی اپنے ہاؤس کو ان آرڈر کرنا چاہیے‘‘ ہمارے وزیراعظم کو کسی نے اصل صورتحال بتائی ہی نہیں تھی چنانچہ جب امریکی صدر نے میاں نواز شریف کے سامنے جماعت الدعوۃ کا ایشو اٹھایا تو یہ پریشر میں آ گئے۔
حافظ سعید پاکستانیوں کے لیے محترم ہیں‘ یہ کشمیری ہیں‘ یہ کشمیر کی تحریک میں انتہائی فعال رہے‘حافظ سعید اور ان کے ساتھیوں نے کشمیر کی آزادی کے لیے بے انتہا قربانیاں دیں‘ کشمیر پاکستان کی شہ رگ ہے اور اس شہ رگ کی بقا کے لیے میاں نواز شریف سے لے کرعام شہری تک ہر شخص ‘ ہر قسم کی قربانی دینے کے لیے تیار ہے اور یہ قربانی اگر جرم ہے تو پھر ہم سب مجرم بھی ہیں اور ہمیں اپنے اس جرم پر فخر بھی ہے‘ میاں نواز شریف اور حافظ سعید دونوں کا کاز ایک ہے‘ میاں نواز شریف نے کل آزاد کشمیر کی اسمبلی میں کھڑے ہو کر جن خیالات کا اظہار کیا‘ حافظ سعید اور ان کے ساتھی برسوں سے ان خیالات پر عمل کر رہے ہیں‘ حافظ سعید صاحب اور ان کی جماعت پاکستان کی چند بڑی فلاحی تنظیموں میں بھی شمار ہوتی ہے‘ یہ زلزلوں سے لے کر سیلابوں تک ملک کی ہر مشکل میں دامے،درمے اور سخنے شریک ہوتی ہے‘ آپ آواران کے زلزلے کو لے لیجئے 24 ستمبر 2013ء کو سندھ اور بلوچستان کے مختلف شہروں میں شدید زلزلہ آیا‘ اس زلزلے میں بلوچستان کے دو اضلاع گوادر اور آواران متاثر ہوئے‘ ریاستی ادارے آواران نہیں پہنچ سکے لیکن حافظ سعید کے ساتھی وہاں پہنچے بھی اور انھوں نے وہاں متاثرین کی مدد بھی کی لیکن ہم نے ان کی خدمات اور قربانیوں کے اعتراف کے بجائے ان پر مقدمے قائم کر رکھے ہیں‘۔
آج بھی ذکی الرحمن لکھوی صاحب سمیت چھ لوگ جیلوں میں پڑے ہیں‘ یہ لوگ اس بھارت کے ناحق دباؤ کی وجہ سے جیلوں میں ہیں جسے ہم آج بھی دشمن سمجھتے ہیں‘ جسے ہم بلوچستان میں بدامنی پھیلانے کا ذمے دار قرار دیتے ہیں اور جسے ہم خودکش حملوں کا ماسٹرمائنڈ بھی کہتے ہیں۔چلیے ہم ایک لمحے کے لیے مان لیتے ہیں‘ یہ تمام الزام درست ہیں لیکن سوال پیدا ہوتا ہے ان الزامات کو ثابت کس نے کرنا ہے؟ کیا یہ بھارت کی ذمے داری نہیں؟ اگر ہاں تو کیا یہ اپنی ذمے داری نبھا رہا ہے؟ اگر نہیں تو پھر ہم حافظ سعید صاحب اور ان کے ساتھیوں کو کس جرم کی سزا دے رہے ہیں؟ ہم آخر کب تک محب وطن لوگوں کو اپنا دشمن بناتے رہیں گے؟ ہم کب تک ریاست کے دوستوں کا دل توڑتے رہیں گے؟ کیا ہمیں یہ فیصلہ کرنے کے لیے بھی کوئی مذاکراتی کمیٹی بنانا پڑے گی؟
Wednesday, January 29, 2014
Stupid questions about Hijab by Tooba Zaheer
9 stupid questions you hear when you wear hijab
I eat with my mouth, just like you do. Despite the fact that its hidden under fabric, I can still find it.
Even though the hijab is becoming a popular fashion trend in most countries, and in some as an act of rebellion there a few people are still suspicious of it. I have come across some hilarious questions -being a polite person, I generally don’t answer as I would wish to. But if I did answer these questions the way I wanted to this is what I would say:
1. How do you breathe?
Through my nose, duh. It’s fabric, it’s made to allow air to pass through it.
2. How do you eat/drink?
Like you do. With my mouth. It’s hidden beneath fabric, I know. However, it still exists and I can find my way quite easily to it, thank you very much!
3. You must be really oppressed by the men in your family.
I am a dual degree holder. I have studied in co-education schools and worked at a software house. I teach at a private sector university and I drive all over the city. If you still think I am oppressed, I am the happiest oppressed person alive.
4. Oh, you can think?
Unfortunately for you, yes, I think. My hijab is not a lead box designed to store radioactive elements. It does not bind my mind. I think, I process information and I also form opinions. A hijab does not warp me into a mentally incapable being.
5. Why do you need to buy clothes other than your gowns and hijabs?
Because there are places where I do take my hijab and gown off. Do you think I roam around my own house like this? Just because I am not showing my clothes to everyone does not mean I don’t need them. I love pretty clothes and I wear them for me.
6. You must have been married by 14 and must be staying home looking after your six children, right?
Wrong. I am happily single, pursuing a career, unlike some who willingly got married in their 3rd year of MBBS, dropped out of your degree and chose to stay home. Even though I might not be better than you, I am not any less than you either just because I cover my face.
7. Don’t you feel hot in the summer?
Don’t you feel hot in summer? It’s 48 degrees out there – everyone feels hot in this weather.
8. Since you are dressed like this, you must be a part of the Taliban.
You are a Shiv Sina activist since you are wearing a sari, no? I hate to break it to you, but I am not part of the Taliban clan. How about we fight them together?
9. You see my hijab and make it a point to convert every discussion into a religious debate.
My hijab might be for religious purposes, but that does not mean you are obliged to start a religion war with me. Opting for hijab is my choice, just like not opting for it is yours. I don’t mind you wearing anything you want to. I also accept the fact you don’t the like hijab. I accept your choice and I expect you to show me a similar level of tolerance, especially when tolerance is what you are ranting about all day long. Please don’t indulge in a religion and hijab bashing debate with me.
So there you have it; I feel unburdened and liberated.
Next time you see someone wearing a hijab, and are confused, please feel for the poor soul and spare her the questions she probably answers everyday. We are real, intelligent people just like your friends. Treat us as equals.
_________________________
Tuesday, January 28, 2014
Sunday, January 26, 2014
Thursday, January 23, 2014
WikiLeaks: Nawaz Convinced Pak is Behind Mumbai Attacks
SUBJECT: NAWAZ SHARIF TELLS CODEL MCCAIN PAKISTANIS WERE INVOLVED IN
MUMBAI CLASSIFIED BY: Clinton Taylor, Acting Principal Officer,
Consulate Lahore, US DoS. REASON: 1.4 (b), (d) ¶1. (C) Summary:
Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN) leader and former Prime Minister
Nawaz Sharif told Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham December 6 he
is convinced Pakistanis were involved in the Mumbai attacks and he would
push for strict action against the responsible extremists. Sharif
pointed out that he had concluded the Lahore Declaration in 1999 with
Indian Prime Minister Atal Vajpayee, and the PMLN has refrained from
making India a political issue. McCain noted the enormous political
pressures Indian leaders faced and urged Pakistan action against Mumbai
attacker, Sharif said he recognized that Pakistan faced the same enemy
and committed to work against the extremists. End Summary. - - -
Nawaz Sharif Upset About U.S. Support for Musharraf - - - ¶2. (C)
Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN) leader and former Prime Minister
Nawaz Sharif told Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham December 6
that his party has acted responsibly with the ruling Pakistan People's
Party (PPP) to fight terrorism. He recounted that former President
Pervez Musharraf had exiled both him and PPP leader Benazir Bhutto, and
he was ""amazed when President Bush provided his support for a
dictator."" His party had supported the PPP government until President
Asif Zardari failed to honor his commitment to restore the judges
dismissed by Musharraf, at which point the PMLN withdrew from the
national government. ¶3. (C) Nawaz Sharif contrasted his approach to
India, in which he had signed the Lahore Declaration with Indian Prime
Minister Atal Vajpayee to establish a peaceful path to normalization, to
Musharraf's strategy, which brought on the confrontation at Kargil,
""the biggest blunder he committed,"" Sharif said. He boasted that his
party has refrained from using India as a political tool. ""We strongly
condemned what happened in India, and want the issue to come to an
end,"" he stated. ""If there is any concrete evidence, we must take
action."" - - - McCain Urges Pakistan to Respond Quickly - - - ¶4.
(C) Senator John McCain underscored that the evidence from the Mumbai
attacks indicates the perpetrators came out of Pakistan. ""These are
facts,"" he stressed. He described his recent visit to New Delhi, in
which he found public opinion ""never more aroused."" ""Unless some
concrete steps besides condemning the attacks are taken, you will see
concrete action from India,"" he warned. Specific action from Pakistan,
such as dismantling the training camps, will allow the U.S. to help
defuse the rapidly escalating tension between the two countries and
relieve the pressure on India to respond militarily, he offered. ¶5.
(C) Turning to Afghanistan, McCain noted that the U.S. has achieved
""some degree of success against these warring elements."" He worried
about the viability of the government in Kabul and President Hamid
Karzai's lack of popularity and acceptance throughout the country, and
recognized that violence has increased because of the sustained presence
of the Taliban. He urged Sharif to support Pakistan to work closely
together with the U.S. to confront a ""common enemy."" - - - Sharif
Says He Recognizes Terrorist Threat to Pakistan - - - ¶6. (C) Sharif
recounted that during his stints as Prime Minister he offered Pakistan's
support for the Gulf War and discussed in great detail with President
Clinton how to deal with extremist forces in Afghanistan. ""Who could
be more committed to fight against terrorism?"" he asked. The December 5
bomb in Peshawar and the blast at the Marriott Hotel proved that
Pakistan also faced a threat. He was aggrieved over the assassination
of Benazir Bhutto and he himself had dodged bullets at election rallies.
""The people responsible for Bombay are also operating in Pakistan --
we face those forces here,"" he said. He underlined his commitment to
help the government ""eradicate this menace."" ¶7. (C) Regarding
India, Sharif acknowledged the country's anger, but criticized the
Indian media for its ""indecent haste"" in blaming Pakistan. But he
described how he had listened to the phone call made by one of the
attackers and even though the individual claimed he was Indian, Sharif
heard a Pakistani accent. ""The people involved were from this country
-- I am convinced,"" he stated. ""We must take strictest action against
those elements."" Once India produces concrete evidence, ""we should
proceed whole hog,"" he declared. - - - McCain Urges Action - - -
¶8. (C) McCain reiterated that Pakistan must take ""specific steps to
calm the situation."" He explained that because India's government
answers to the people, it must respond to the voters' demand to take
action. He pointed out that economic development and military
assistance to Pakistan is essential to help the country fight terrorism.
""I do not want to see a movement in Congress to take measures to
reduce assistance,"" he cautioned. - - - Graham Stresses Rule of Law
- - - ¶9. (C) Senator Graham praised the lawyers movement, and said
that he saw an ""opportunity for the rule of law to take center stage.""
He offered that the international community would look favorably on
Pakistan if it took decisive action against the terrorists. ""If India
believes that its neighbor is a safe haven for the people who
slaughtered its citizens, it cannot sit on the sidelines,"" he observed.
Instead of working on the Kashmir issue through the Lashker-e-Taiba,
he urged Pakistan to use legal measures to defeat the terrorists.
Assimilating the tribal areas legally might also help eliminate a source
of tension within Pakistan, he thought. On Afghanistan, he noted that
President-elect Obama intended to win the war, and he emphasized that
the U.S. considered Pakistan a long-term partner. - - - PMLN Party
Members Question Evidence - - - ¶10. (C) Leader of the Opposition in
the National Assembly Chaudry Nasir Ali Khan recalled that by asserting
Pakistan's sovereignty during the presidential campaign, McCain had
reversed the impression in Pakistan that he would prolong President
Bush's policies. Chaudry Nasir highlighted the need for the U.S. to
sway public opinion and clarify its stance on the restoration of the
judiciary. ""You must decide whether the U.S. wants to fight through
cronies or genuine friends,"" he stated. The U.S. has compromised
Pakistan's sovereignty and signed a nuclear treaty with India, which has
turned sentiment in Pakistan away from the U.S. ""There is an across
the board consensus on action, but not until proof is put forward,"" he
said. Nasir emphasized that the government can't move without popular
support. Senator McCain agreed that public opinion is key. - - -
McCain Stresses Action - - - ¶11. (C) McCain said that he would urge
the Indian government to turn over any evidence it has found. ""We are
in a race against time,"" he pressed, and warned that military action
would cause even greater loss of life. ""The purpose of those attacks
was to cause armed conflict between India and Pakistan, and they could
succeed,"" he counseled. ¶12. (C) Comment: Importantly, the Sharifs
did not push back against Senator McCain's assertions that the
Lashkar-eTaiba was responsible for the Mumbai attacks. The issue will
be whether he can take the high road and support a government crackdown
on LeT as he did in private. CLINT TAYLOR
Ladies and Gentleman, We Suck!
Reminds me of Are We in our senses??
There was a time when Muslims were the most peaceful
group of people in the world. They ruled half the Earth, and
established a perfect model of governance. Muslim scientists were
the pioneers of modern-day science. The great Mughal Empire built the
most beautiful examples of architecture ever witnessed by mankind.
Muslims were brave and pious, righteous and honourable, enlightened and well-visioned. However, slowly and gradually, the Zionist forces and deputies of Satan with magical powers started to plot against the mighty Muslims. They stole our scientific knowledge, captured our lands through manipulation, and secretly lead us towards dismay.
Modern-day Muslims are a sad group of people, divided amongst themselves, and declining by each passing day. Even today, it is the Zionists who plot and plan against the welfare of the Muslims.
Let us look at the holy state of Pakistan. After suffering the atrocities of non-Muslims for 90 long years, the noble Muslims of Hindustan finally gained independence under the able leadership of the Muslim League (the one with no initial attached to it). All members of the Muslim League were pious Muslims, and after the sacrifices that went into making this country, there was no doubt that it would go on to become one of the super powers of the world in the near future.
But alas, the Zionists intervened yet again, causing instability within the region and causing the people of varying ethnicities to hate each other to the point where they can take each other’s lives, causing corrupt governments to come into power, causing the country to become an embarrassment on the face of the pious Muslims world.
Sorry, guys. I am really sorry, but I can’t go any further. I can’t go any further without saying that, in reality, we suck.
Yes, we suck. We suck as a nation, we suck at doing justice to our beliefs and we suck as human beings. We’re not good people. We hate each other. We’re numb to the things that go on around us as long as we are not affected by them. We shower murderers with rose petals; we lead protests for Muslims killed thousands of miles away and ignore the ones killed on our very streets.
We don’t respect our heroes. We condemn our corrupt leaders but subconsciously we know that if we were in their place we would do the same. Even if we don’t know, I am telling you that we would. Our leaders represent us; we are the reason they have enjoyed the fruits of power time and again.
We suck. The world has gone far beyond our reach. Face it. Accept it. Yes, we have Abdul Sattar Edhi but we also have several people who would shoot people like him if they have unfavourable names. Yes, we have Professor Adeeb Rizvi, but we also have hate preachers in countless places all across the country, brainwashing our children and feeding the pest of hate to their hearts.
We suck. Way too many people are dying every day. Yes, the population of Karachi is estimated at 20 million, so 377 deaths in 42 deaths is not that big a proportion. But these 377 lives were not lost in accidents; they were taken intentionally. We are quiet; we are numb, because we genuinely suck.
This is not an article to paint a negative picture of Pakistan. There are enough people doing that on a daily basis. And I honestly don’t care about some elements in our neighbour who naturally harbours hate for us. I don’t care if he is jumping in his chair in jubilation agreeing to every word being said here. I don’t care.
So what’s the point then? Open your eyes. We suck. Realise it. It’s not a Zionist agenda that makes us spit pan on hospital walls. It’s not some secret sorcery on some forsaken mountain that makes us lack morals. A country made to secure the rights of minorities has started genocide of its minorities and we are quiet. Why? Because we suck.
Open your eyes. Finish the hate. Stop pointing fingers. Look in the mirror. Go back to the basics. Let’s start saying “please” and “thank you” more often. Let’s treat our streets like our own homes. Let’s understand the fact that we are no one to judge others based on the language they speak, the religion they belong to, the area they live in, or the kind of clothes they wear.
We’re going back whilst the world is moving forward. It’s about time we opened our eyes now. Let’s finish the hatred in our hearts. Let us learn to care.
We suck. Let’s accept it so that we can stop doing so.
Khuda Hafiz, or Allah Hafiz. Whatever makes you happy. No issue, really.
Ladies and gentlemen, we suck!
We suck and that's a fact. These are things we should not do to "suck a little less".
Muslims were brave and pious, righteous and honourable, enlightened and well-visioned. However, slowly and gradually, the Zionist forces and deputies of Satan with magical powers started to plot against the mighty Muslims. They stole our scientific knowledge, captured our lands through manipulation, and secretly lead us towards dismay.
Modern-day Muslims are a sad group of people, divided amongst themselves, and declining by each passing day. Even today, it is the Zionists who plot and plan against the welfare of the Muslims.
Let us look at the holy state of Pakistan. After suffering the atrocities of non-Muslims for 90 long years, the noble Muslims of Hindustan finally gained independence under the able leadership of the Muslim League (the one with no initial attached to it). All members of the Muslim League were pious Muslims, and after the sacrifices that went into making this country, there was no doubt that it would go on to become one of the super powers of the world in the near future.
But alas, the Zionists intervened yet again, causing instability within the region and causing the people of varying ethnicities to hate each other to the point where they can take each other’s lives, causing corrupt governments to come into power, causing the country to become an embarrassment on the face of the pious Muslims world.
Sorry, guys. I am really sorry, but I can’t go any further. I can’t go any further without saying that, in reality, we suck.
Yes, we suck. We suck as a nation, we suck at doing justice to our beliefs and we suck as human beings. We’re not good people. We hate each other. We’re numb to the things that go on around us as long as we are not affected by them. We shower murderers with rose petals; we lead protests for Muslims killed thousands of miles away and ignore the ones killed on our very streets.
We don’t respect our heroes. We condemn our corrupt leaders but subconsciously we know that if we were in their place we would do the same. Even if we don’t know, I am telling you that we would. Our leaders represent us; we are the reason they have enjoyed the fruits of power time and again.
We suck. The world has gone far beyond our reach. Face it. Accept it. Yes, we have Abdul Sattar Edhi but we also have several people who would shoot people like him if they have unfavourable names. Yes, we have Professor Adeeb Rizvi, but we also have hate preachers in countless places all across the country, brainwashing our children and feeding the pest of hate to their hearts.
We suck. Way too many people are dying every day. Yes, the population of Karachi is estimated at 20 million, so 377 deaths in 42 deaths is not that big a proportion. But these 377 lives were not lost in accidents; they were taken intentionally. We are quiet; we are numb, because we genuinely suck.
This is not an article to paint a negative picture of Pakistan. There are enough people doing that on a daily basis. And I honestly don’t care about some elements in our neighbour who naturally harbours hate for us. I don’t care if he is jumping in his chair in jubilation agreeing to every word being said here. I don’t care.
So what’s the point then? Open your eyes. We suck. Realise it. It’s not a Zionist agenda that makes us spit pan on hospital walls. It’s not some secret sorcery on some forsaken mountain that makes us lack morals. A country made to secure the rights of minorities has started genocide of its minorities and we are quiet. Why? Because we suck.
Open your eyes. Finish the hate. Stop pointing fingers. Look in the mirror. Go back to the basics. Let’s start saying “please” and “thank you” more often. Let’s treat our streets like our own homes. Let’s understand the fact that we are no one to judge others based on the language they speak, the religion they belong to, the area they live in, or the kind of clothes they wear.
We’re going back whilst the world is moving forward. It’s about time we opened our eyes now. Let’s finish the hatred in our hearts. Let us learn to care.
We suck. Let’s accept it so that we can stop doing so.
Khuda Hafiz, or Allah Hafiz. Whatever makes you happy. No issue, really.
A 21st Century Pakistani Patriot
A chat with a 21st century Pakistani patriot
Patriot: Do you see any scars on Malala Yousufzai's head? Terrorism is a hoax created by the West.
Patriot (P): Sanjay? Are you Indian?
I: No, I’m Pakistani.
P: How come?
I: Well I was born and raised here.
P: However, people of your belief are born and raised in India. Sanjay Dutt is an example.
I: A large number of people of my belief live in Pakistan as well. Seen the white in our flag?
P: Oh. That’s Odd.
I: What do you think about Pakistan?
P: I love my country. It’s a great country to live in.
I: What do you like about Pakistan?
P: I know the funded media is trying its best to ruin Pakistan’s image, but we need to be positive and see the bright side. We need to look at people like Begum Ali Moeen Nawazish Ali and Agha Waqar who are the true representatives of the country.
I: Agha Waqar? The guy who said he could run cars with water?
P: Yes, him. Unfortunately the diesel mafia got the better of him.
I: And what about Malala Yousufzai?
P: Do you see any scars on her head?
I: But you do agree that terrorism is a problem, right?
P: Terrorism is a hoax created by the West.
I: But people are actually dying because of attacks.
P: Drones. Besides, all of us have to eventually die anyway.
I: What about the drones?
P: If you stop the drones, it will stop terrorism. Injustice leads to more injustice.
I: So if we stop the drones, people will stop getting killed altogether?
P: Not altogether. The rest are being killed by *ahem* *ahem*, foreign agents. Didn’t you see the dragon tattoo on the back of a terrorist who was once killed?
I: But that was just one terrorist. Many more have being caught.
P: And how many of them have been stripped to check for tattoos?
I: I’m not exactly sure.
P: See?
I: So how do we stop these foreign agents?
P: By having a government that is not installed by the West.
I: Why does the West have control over who rules Pakistan?
P: Because it is scared of us.
I: What exactly is it scared of?
P: Our atom bomb.
I: So because the West is scared of us, it ends up indirectly ruling us?
P: Sounds legit. It also funds our media to destruct the image of Pakistan. Instead of showing lofty mountains, it shows the people dying from snake-bites!
I: You mean the mountains where tourists were recently killed?
P: Foreign hand. Besides, the number of tourists killed is a lot less when compared to the total number of tourists visiting the mountains. You need to think more positively.
I: Well, positively speaking, how will we get out of this mess?
P: Through a revolution.
I: And how will the revolution come?
P: A leader will rise from amongst the common man. The nation will march behind him to Islamabad and will overthrow the corrupt government and then everything will be alright. Next we will march to Kashmir and make it a part of Pakistan once and for all!
I: Someone like Colonel Sanders perhaps?
P: No he stays inside a container and is a dual national; clear signs of being a foreign agent. The big hat is also fishy.
I: How will everything become alright once the government is overthrown?
P: That’s the leader’s headache. I don’t look like one, do I?
I: I wouldn’t think so. What are your views about load-shedding?
P: It can be solved if the government pays attention to it.
I: How about the public start paying their bills for a change?
P: You need to understand that it is very difficult in this age of inflation.
I: What has caused the inflation?
P: IMF funds. It is again Western conspiracy to make us beggars.
I: Do you pay your taxes?
P: I don’t pay taxes because the government is corrupt. I don’t want to pay taxes to government officials who take their salaries from the West. *PHONE RINGS*
I: Is that an iPhone I see in your hand?
P: Oh yes! My new iPhone 4S. Cool, isn’t it?
I: Very cool. As a Pakistani I am concerned about what is happening in Balochistan. Do you remember East Pakistan?
P: What’s that?
I: Bangladesh?
P: Yes, what about it?
I: 1971? Civil war?
P: Oh! Yes, that. India. It was India all along.
I: What about India?
P: Please don’t mind me saying, but India funded the entire rebellion.
I: Why was there rebellion in the first place?
P: Bollywood. Our brothers’ minds were corrupted because of Indian movies.
I: I guess we should end this conversation here now.
P: I am sorry if I sounded a bit harsh. Hope you see the right path soon.
5 Ways to Improve US Policy in South Asia
How to improve US Policy in South Asia in 2014
If there’s one word that defines South Asia in 2014,
it’s transition. Elections are scheduled in three countries –
Afghanistan, India and a controversial one already
held in Bangladesh on January 5. Newly elected governments face their
first full year in office in four others – Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal and
Pakistan. And hovering over this all is the international troop
withdrawal from Afghanistan.
Amid this change and uncertainty, Washington’s chief objective for South Asia will remain the same – attaining stability. It’s an admittedly ambitious goal in a region cursed by interstate and intrastate tensions alike, and flushes with security threats that range from Islamist militancy to organised crime.
US officials can help themselves out by pledging to do several things differently in South Asia this year. Here are five New Year’s resolutions that, if upheld, can help inch the region just a bit closer to the stability that’s long eluded it.
1) Think more regionally
There’s a tendency in Washington to perceive competing regional interests in Afghanistan through the narrow lens of the India-Pakistan rivalry. And indeed, as the international troop presence draws down, these two countries will intensify their competition for influence in Afghanistan, with troubling ramifications for regional stability.
Yet it’s also important to recognise Iran’s concerns about Afghanistan’s Hazara Shias, China’s apprehensions about the security of its mineral and other private investments in Afghanistan, Russia’s worries about the Afghan drug trade and the fears of Central Asian states about intensified unrest in Afghanistan spilling over their borders. To be sure, these broader regional anxieties don’t portend conflict. But leaving them to fester could aggravate a set of regional tensions quite separate from those tied to the Durand Line or Line of Control.
This year, Washington should host a conference exclusively for Afghanistan’s neighbours.
It could highlight regional perspectives, interests and concerns, and equip US officials with useful policy inputs.
2) Pursue economic integration more robustly
South Asia is one of the world’s poorest and least integrated regions, which has constrained development and fuelled chronic instability. US officials know this from back in 2011, when Secretary of State Hillary Clinton declared that Afghans must ‘work alongside all of their neighbours to shape a more integrated economic future for the region that will create jobs and will undercut the appeal of extremism’.
The Obama administration has often spoken of establishing a ‘new silk road’ that reconstitutes old trade links between South and Central Asia. It’s a good yet vague idea, though little of substance has been done to pursue it.
This year, the US should focus on more targeted pro-integration efforts such as taking better advantage of its observer status in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), South Asia’s notoriously ineffective eight-member regional organisation. SAARC is plagued by deep-seated challenges (most notably dysfunctional relations between many member states), yet it also suffers from more easily rectifiable problems such as a frequently malfunctioning website that Washington could gently press the organisation to address.
The US should also reconsider its opposition to the Iran-Pakistan pipeline. If ever consummated, this project would not only contribute to regional integration but also ease Pakistan’s destabilising energy crisis. The pipeline would provide more than an estimated quarter of Pakistan’s daily electricity demand. Thanks to last year’s Geneva agreement, the US has pledged to suspend sanctions on Iran’s petrochemical exports if Tehran freezes some of its nuclear weapons program. If this happens, Washington’s continued opposition to the pipeline will start looking silly.
3) Pay more attention to Bangladesh
In recent years, Washington’s South Asia policy has centered around Afghanistan and Pakistan, with India also in the mix. Bangladesh has largely been ignored, a troubling omission. Bangladesh is a moderate Muslim-majority nation that sits astride the Indian Ocean region, an area that influential foreign affairs commentator Robert Kaplan says,
More to the point, Bangladesh is one of the biggest powder kegs in South Asia. In recent months, the nation has been convulsed by ‘unprecedented’ pre-election violence and the political opposition decided to boycott the January 5 poll. Public unrest, already inflamed by on-going and polarising government-led trials for war crimes committed during Bangladesh’s war for independence, could well explode in the aftermath of a flawed election. And one can never rule out intervention by Bangladesh’s military. It’s attempted a whopping 30 coups (most recently in 2012) over the country’s nearly 43-year existence.
Given its geopolitical significance and volatile neighbourhood, Washington needs to keep a close eye on Bangladesh this year. A Congressional hearing and several government-sponsored private roundtables last year represent a good start. The White House needs to be up to speed so that it’s not caught off-guard if a worst-case scenario, from a ruling party effort to establish a one-party state to a military takeover, should ever come to pass.
4) Make a new push for India-Pakistan reconciliation
Most observers agree that peace between these nuclear rivals would be a boon for regional stability. Yet, few believe full normalisation is in the cards anytime soon, given the total absence of progress on the relationship’s core territorial disputes.
For Washington, the trick is to latch onto the lowest-hanging fruit and that’s trade. In recent years, the two countries have taken a slew of measures that have brought them tantalisingly close to a formal commercial relationship. The sole remaining step is for Pakistan to eliminate its list of goods that can’t be traded with India. Islamabad pledged to do this by the end of 2012 and still hasn’t done so.
Washington should quietly use its good offices to help finalise this trade normalisation, an outcome that would provide much-needed economic boosts and help build constituencies for peace in both countries. Admittedly, this may be the best contribution the White House can make toward India-Pakistan peace this year. Given the turbulent nature of its ties with Islamabad and, more recently, its worsening relations with New Delhi, mediating a behind-the-scenes resolution to the intractable Kashmir conflict simply isn’t realistic.
The previous three words provide the perfect lead-in for the final and arguably most important, New Year’s resolution for US South Asia policy.
5) Be more humble about expectations and objectives
Washington must acknowledge the limits of its leverage in South Asia. Ousting the Taliban from power in Afghanistan and plying the country with aid hasn’t prevented President Hamid Karzai from refusing, so far, to sign a bilateral security agreement that permits a post-2014 American military presence. Similarly, pouring billions of dollars in security assistance into Pakistan hasn’t prompted that nation’s military to unequivocally sever ties with militants that attack US forces in Afghanistan.
Given all of the changes in store for South Asia this year, it’s understandable that US officials will want to do all they can to secure their interests in the region. Yet there are limits to how these interests can be secured, particularly because South Asian countries’ own interests, in many cases, simply don’t align with America’s.
And that’s a lesson for US policy that extends well beyond the region.
Five ways to improve US policy in South Asia in 2014
US officials can help themselves out by pledging to do
several things differently in South Asia this year. DESIGN: ZOYA ZAIDI
Amid this change and uncertainty, Washington’s chief objective for South Asia will remain the same – attaining stability. It’s an admittedly ambitious goal in a region cursed by interstate and intrastate tensions alike, and flushes with security threats that range from Islamist militancy to organised crime.
US officials can help themselves out by pledging to do several things differently in South Asia this year. Here are five New Year’s resolutions that, if upheld, can help inch the region just a bit closer to the stability that’s long eluded it.
1) Think more regionally
There’s a tendency in Washington to perceive competing regional interests in Afghanistan through the narrow lens of the India-Pakistan rivalry. And indeed, as the international troop presence draws down, these two countries will intensify their competition for influence in Afghanistan, with troubling ramifications for regional stability.
Yet it’s also important to recognise Iran’s concerns about Afghanistan’s Hazara Shias, China’s apprehensions about the security of its mineral and other private investments in Afghanistan, Russia’s worries about the Afghan drug trade and the fears of Central Asian states about intensified unrest in Afghanistan spilling over their borders. To be sure, these broader regional anxieties don’t portend conflict. But leaving them to fester could aggravate a set of regional tensions quite separate from those tied to the Durand Line or Line of Control.
This year, Washington should host a conference exclusively for Afghanistan’s neighbours.
It could highlight regional perspectives, interests and concerns, and equip US officials with useful policy inputs.
2) Pursue economic integration more robustly
South Asia is one of the world’s poorest and least integrated regions, which has constrained development and fuelled chronic instability. US officials know this from back in 2011, when Secretary of State Hillary Clinton declared that Afghans must ‘work alongside all of their neighbours to shape a more integrated economic future for the region that will create jobs and will undercut the appeal of extremism’.
The Obama administration has often spoken of establishing a ‘new silk road’ that reconstitutes old trade links between South and Central Asia. It’s a good yet vague idea, though little of substance has been done to pursue it.
This year, the US should focus on more targeted pro-integration efforts such as taking better advantage of its observer status in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), South Asia’s notoriously ineffective eight-member regional organisation. SAARC is plagued by deep-seated challenges (most notably dysfunctional relations between many member states), yet it also suffers from more easily rectifiable problems such as a frequently malfunctioning website that Washington could gently press the organisation to address.
The US should also reconsider its opposition to the Iran-Pakistan pipeline. If ever consummated, this project would not only contribute to regional integration but also ease Pakistan’s destabilising energy crisis. The pipeline would provide more than an estimated quarter of Pakistan’s daily electricity demand. Thanks to last year’s Geneva agreement, the US has pledged to suspend sanctions on Iran’s petrochemical exports if Tehran freezes some of its nuclear weapons program. If this happens, Washington’s continued opposition to the pipeline will start looking silly.
3) Pay more attention to Bangladesh
In recent years, Washington’s South Asia policy has centered around Afghanistan and Pakistan, with India also in the mix. Bangladesh has largely been ignored, a troubling omission. Bangladesh is a moderate Muslim-majority nation that sits astride the Indian Ocean region, an area that influential foreign affairs commentator Robert Kaplan says,
‘… May comprise a map as iconic to the new century as Europe was to the last one’.Bangladesh also provides five billion dollars’ worth of goods to Americans every year; roughly 40% of its exports go to the US.
More to the point, Bangladesh is one of the biggest powder kegs in South Asia. In recent months, the nation has been convulsed by ‘unprecedented’ pre-election violence and the political opposition decided to boycott the January 5 poll. Public unrest, already inflamed by on-going and polarising government-led trials for war crimes committed during Bangladesh’s war for independence, could well explode in the aftermath of a flawed election. And one can never rule out intervention by Bangladesh’s military. It’s attempted a whopping 30 coups (most recently in 2012) over the country’s nearly 43-year existence.
Given its geopolitical significance and volatile neighbourhood, Washington needs to keep a close eye on Bangladesh this year. A Congressional hearing and several government-sponsored private roundtables last year represent a good start. The White House needs to be up to speed so that it’s not caught off-guard if a worst-case scenario, from a ruling party effort to establish a one-party state to a military takeover, should ever come to pass.
4) Make a new push for India-Pakistan reconciliation
Most observers agree that peace between these nuclear rivals would be a boon for regional stability. Yet, few believe full normalisation is in the cards anytime soon, given the total absence of progress on the relationship’s core territorial disputes.
For Washington, the trick is to latch onto the lowest-hanging fruit and that’s trade. In recent years, the two countries have taken a slew of measures that have brought them tantalisingly close to a formal commercial relationship. The sole remaining step is for Pakistan to eliminate its list of goods that can’t be traded with India. Islamabad pledged to do this by the end of 2012 and still hasn’t done so.
Washington should quietly use its good offices to help finalise this trade normalisation, an outcome that would provide much-needed economic boosts and help build constituencies for peace in both countries. Admittedly, this may be the best contribution the White House can make toward India-Pakistan peace this year. Given the turbulent nature of its ties with Islamabad and, more recently, its worsening relations with New Delhi, mediating a behind-the-scenes resolution to the intractable Kashmir conflict simply isn’t realistic.
The previous three words provide the perfect lead-in for the final and arguably most important, New Year’s resolution for US South Asia policy.
5) Be more humble about expectations and objectives
Washington must acknowledge the limits of its leverage in South Asia. Ousting the Taliban from power in Afghanistan and plying the country with aid hasn’t prevented President Hamid Karzai from refusing, so far, to sign a bilateral security agreement that permits a post-2014 American military presence. Similarly, pouring billions of dollars in security assistance into Pakistan hasn’t prompted that nation’s military to unequivocally sever ties with militants that attack US forces in Afghanistan.
Given all of the changes in store for South Asia this year, it’s understandable that US officials will want to do all they can to secure their interests in the region. Yet there are limits to how these interests can be secured, particularly because South Asian countries’ own interests, in many cases, simply don’t align with America’s.
And that’s a lesson for US policy that extends well beyond the region.
Monday, January 13, 2014
Sunday, January 12, 2014
Are we all Sick??
Why do Pakistani men have a roving eye?
Tackling the roving eye syndrome will require radical change,
through education and a shift in values to abolish such behaviour.
I emphasise on the word Pakistani because having lived in the West, I have never come across a culture or society where men have such difficulty lowering their gaze.
It is something that has to stop!
Not only does it make a woman feel uncomfortable, if not naked, it is an extremely degenerate and distasteful trait in men. Married men, who indulge in it when their wives are sitting right next to them, are particularly loathsome.
It starts the minute I land at Islamabad airport right to when I reach my final destination. Whilst sitting in the car and minding my own business, you have motorcycles roaring past with their passengers peering into the car having seen the silhouette of a woman from the rear window. I honestly feel I have Elephantiasis, a gross enlargement of a limb, or some monumental flaw on my face which is the cause of such unjustifiable attention.
There are some women out there who actually get some sort of an appalling pleasure out of these stares and dress to impress just to fish up more looks.
I, for one, am not one of them at all.
Some unfortunate husbands and brothers keep their women covered from head to toe to prevent these stares but they don’t realise that sometimes even that is futile.
In England or Canada, the most a woman gets is a person looking at you once and then looking away. At most, she’ll get a couple of looks, anything more than that is considered staring and ultimately, very rude.
When u travel u realise that Desi men r the only living taroo masters left. They will stare at women till their eyes fall out.I know there are many other important things that are on the priority list of what needs to be changed in Pakistan, but this is something that needs to be discussed and alleviated. If we claim to be a Muslim country with emphasis on men “lowering their gaze” to protect their modesty, then it should be implemented as well.
— Faisal Qureshi (@faisalqureshi) September 23, 2012
The question remains on how to go about changing this habit. Maybe it should be discussed and talked about in the media or in some sort of public forum but the topic itself is perhaps absurd for national TV.
How do you even discuss such ogling or even acknowledge that men have this problem?
Most of the time men are in complete denial!
Staring pandemic RT @faisalkapadia: In your opinion do people in pk have a staring problem or is it the woman's problem?There has been a song written about this problem by Ali Gul Pir called “Taroo Maroo”, which brings to light this sensitive issue with a dash of humour.
— Ayesha Hasan (@AyeshaHasan) July 16, 2012
“Aunty bhi taroo ga, uncle bhi taroo ga”http://www.dailymotion.com/video/xvng4g_taroo-maroo-ali-gul-pir_music
(I will stare at an aunty, I will also stare at an uncle)
The lyrics are particularly funny because it implies that guys like this will gawp at anything and anyone. Although the song is meant to be taken light-heartedly, it doesn’t really tackle the issue head on.
‘Punch em’
Perhaps the solution if for women to be pro-active.
I’ve actually seen some women take matters into their own hands. My own mother, in fact, once punched a man for invading her personal space, only for him to walk straight on without looking back.
On one occasion, a group of us girls were in a marketplace when we noticed a guy staring at us from his tinted car as he drove by. This started annoying us as the same behaviour had occurred a few times before. Next time he returned, I decided to pick up a rather large rock closest to me and started walking towards him whilst looking directly at him. I lifted the rock up and shouted,
“Do you have a problem?”This resulted in him speeding away in a panic-stricken state and not returning. It was quite relieving and hilarious at the same time. Only when women start shouting and fighting back will the men realise that it is unacceptable to behave like this.
Women have to take matters into their own hands if they want to feel protected, but when a society is ingrained with this disease, the battle seems fruitless at times. Many women just stay silent because they don’t want to have the issue spiral out of control.
Tackling the roving eye syndrome will require radical change, through education and a shift in values to abolish such behaviour.
Sadly, I don’t think this problem will be rectified anytime soon. One can only hope that a majority of women will unite together to make a stand against this repulsive habit.
I, for one, am starting to take a stand by teaching my young son that it is extremely rude to stare at anybody.
What will you do?
Saturday, January 11, 2014
Have we forgotten what he did for Pakistan?
I do not agree to all of it, but most of it is correct...
It was just another day, on October 12, 1999, in New York
City where I was an undergraduate student. Little did I realise then
that it was the day that would go down as one of the most controversial
days in Pakistan’s history.
It was the day when the Pakistan International Airlines’ (PIA) flight PK 805, was denied landing rights in Pakistan on its return from Sri Lanka. A detour out of Pakistani territory would have meant an imminent crash of the commercial airliner, due to low fuel, with its 198 passengers on board. Amongst the passengers was none other than General Pervez Musharraf – a man who was to become the country’s first-ever Chief Executive and was destined to bring about some positive social changes in the life of the average Pakistani.
In his book Hijacking from the Ground, Mr Aminullah Chaudhry, then director general Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) in Karachi, narrated the incident in the following words:
General Pervez Musharraf was truly a blessing in disguise for all
Pakistanis. Whether we dare to admit it or not, Pakistan saw some of
its best years in terms of economic progress and social stability under his rule.
I, for one – an average Pakistani – have intermediate needs to worry about which my counterparts in the West often take for granted.
Social security, which forms the hallmark of the democratic and developed governance systems of the West, is absent without a doubt. In the absence of government support, issues such as employment, wages and prices take precedence over treason trials. Although it is critical and vital to get our ‘houses’ of governance in order, usually the systems follow strong social foundations. However, in Pakistan we seem to have it the other way around – a top-down approach – where we aim to develop macro systems of governance without considering the ground realities.
These ground realities are that life and living conditions for an average Pakistani are at an all-time low. Although we saw a moderate rise in living standards during the years of General Musharraf, even those indicators have fallen during the last five years.
Ask any Pakistani and I can bet that they would say that we were more financially sound from the perspective of an average Pakistan then than we are currently.
Over the last five years, the lower-middle class has slipped into further financial decline.
Still don’t believe me?
For a quick comparison, please take a look at the infographic below to put things into perspective. The graph clearly shows that the economic decline only came about after Musharraf vacated the presidential seat. A growth rate of 5.14% is only a consequence of sound economic policies that trickled down to the common Pakistani. Yes, there was probably corruption and most likely, plenty of it. But the living standard of an average Pakistani was also rising.
Now compare this with some figures from as recent as 2013 when inflation was at 11.3% in April.
Moving onto factors other than economic prosperity, I, an average Pakistani, care more about the fact that our literacy rate rose by approximately 11% under Musharraf than about the technical fact that the constitution was held in abeyance by him.
And I can say, without a doubt, that any Pakistani, irrespective of political affiliation, cannot deny the importance of hundreds of kilometres of highways constructed, a decrease in poverty levels by approximately 10% and the establishment of a wide network of universities.
If we look at it from a more macroeconomic perspective, Pakistan’s foreign exchange reserves rose to approximately $17 billion, and sectors such as manufacturing and IT saw unprecedented growth. A flourishing manufacturing sector and IT industry translates into jobs and employment opportunities, which in turn, means social security – one of the most fundamental requirements to lower petty crimes and thefts in a society.
Unemployment actually fell during the Musharraf years and rapidly rose during the years termed as ‘democratic’.
As facts tell us, it was nothing but a massive mirage of sorts.
Moreover, inflation was tightly controlled as illustrated in the following graph:
Still, in case you doubt statistics reported by local bodies, here is
what the World Bank reports about the overall economic performance of
Pakistan during Musharraf’s reign.
Hence, it comes as no surprise that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) declared Pakistan as the fastest growing economy after China and India during his years.
I don’t know about you but I would pick progress of this magnitude over meaningless constitutional violations any day. Yes, building institutions is important. But strong institutions only result from a process of evolution – they cannot be crafted artificially with superficial doses of ‘democratic governance’.
We may not realise it or we may not want to admit it, but the Musharraf years were more ‘democratic’ – at least for the common man.
Why, you ask?
Democracy is a mindset
I believe that democracy is a mind-set where dissent from the status quo is not brutally persecuted and suppressed. Democracy is not ‘the best revenge’ – it is the best, period.
Did we not see the rise of electronic media with an unprecedented freedom-of-expression during the years that some term as ‘undemocratic’. The years under Musharraf were far from being undemocratic and the biggest testament to this is the proliferation of electronic media which even had the liberty to take Musharraf himself to task when the need arose.
Freedom to question the official narrative was officially encouraged
Musharraf also set the precedent for his successors. His years in power set the practise of both, media and people freely questioning those in power without incurring either the wrath of the rulers or censorship. This was a massive achievement in Pakistan’s context and a key pre-requisite for true democratic dispensations. And we must acknowledge General Musharraf for this achievement.
Acknowledgment of mistakes – the good and bad go hand-in-hand
Yes, General Musharraf did make some mistakes – blunders that were too massive to be forgiven or forgotten. And yes, some of those had huge repercussions for the country. But then, who does not err? Is there any human that has never erred?
Other than the divinely appointed prophets and messengers of God, there is no human on earth who is perfect; the good and bad go hand-in-hand. One characteristic trait that I notice in most Pakistanis is that they not only forget their benefactors but they also fail to realise that a system can never be 100% perfect.
However, it is crucial to measure the performance of governments in terms of what they delivered to the people. Most people would agree without a doubt that the most prosperous years of Pakistan were those of Ayub Khan and General Musharraf.
Given all these facts, the question in my opinion is not whether we should indulge in a trial or not. The more pertinent question is whether we can afford it.
It is a classic cost-benefit and Return-On-Investment (ROI) analysis that most business organisations indulge in. After all, a country and its management are not very different from an organisation.
In fact, a country is an organisation by all definitions and practical implementations.
Remember – it was a hijack
The most important thing that we need to remember is that the airliner was officially hijacked without the slightest regard for all the regular Pakistanis who were returning home. This was not a Pakistan Armed Forces aircraft and neither was it a private jet on contract. A diversion of the plane without adequate fuel to sustain the air travel would have caused the plane to crash. Hence, my only question to the people is this,
The treatment that he is being meted out now makes my head fall in shame and rise in awe simultaneously.
Is this the way to treat a person who actually did something to make my life better?
Is it right to haul him to court under charges that are quite superficial compared to the improvements he brought in the social infrastructure of Pakistan?
What kind of a lesson are we sending to the future leaders of Pakistan – that if you dare to work towards improving the living conditions of Pakistanis, you would not only be prosecuted, but also persecuted and hounded?
While you are in the process of answering these questions, do try and recall that the plane was on the verge of a crash with approximately 198 Pakistani civilians on board.
It may be hard for some to fathom this but rulers never have absolute power. There are millions of interests that have to be accounted for prior to taking decisions that affect nations and their citizens.
Considering the sycophants that surrounded Musharraf, it is not only remarkable that he managed to bring about this little improvement to an average Pakistani’s living standards, it is also evidence that the General’s heart was in the right place.
So, on behalf of all Pakistanis who agree with me and those who will hopefully try to understand my point-of-view, this is what I have to say to General Musharraf,
Have you forgotten all that Musharraf did for you, Pakistan?
Rulers never have absolute power. There are millions of
interests that have to be accounted for prior to taking decisions that
affect nations and their citizens. PHOTO: AFP
It was the day when the Pakistan International Airlines’ (PIA) flight PK 805, was denied landing rights in Pakistan on its return from Sri Lanka. A detour out of Pakistani territory would have meant an imminent crash of the commercial airliner, due to low fuel, with its 198 passengers on board. Amongst the passengers was none other than General Pervez Musharraf – a man who was to become the country’s first-ever Chief Executive and was destined to bring about some positive social changes in the life of the average Pakistani.
In his book Hijacking from the Ground, Mr Aminullah Chaudhry, then director general Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) in Karachi, narrated the incident in the following words:
Hijacking From The Ground. Source: Google Books (www.books.google.com.pk)
I, for one – an average Pakistani – have intermediate needs to worry about which my counterparts in the West often take for granted.
Social security, which forms the hallmark of the democratic and developed governance systems of the West, is absent without a doubt. In the absence of government support, issues such as employment, wages and prices take precedence over treason trials. Although it is critical and vital to get our ‘houses’ of governance in order, usually the systems follow strong social foundations. However, in Pakistan we seem to have it the other way around – a top-down approach – where we aim to develop macro systems of governance without considering the ground realities.
These ground realities are that life and living conditions for an average Pakistani are at an all-time low. Although we saw a moderate rise in living standards during the years of General Musharraf, even those indicators have fallen during the last five years.
Ask any Pakistani and I can bet that they would say that we were more financially sound from the perspective of an average Pakistan then than we are currently.
Over the last five years, the lower-middle class has slipped into further financial decline.
Still don’t believe me?
For a quick comparison, please take a look at the infographic below to put things into perspective. The graph clearly shows that the economic decline only came about after Musharraf vacated the presidential seat. A growth rate of 5.14% is only a consequence of sound economic policies that trickled down to the common Pakistani. Yes, there was probably corruption and most likely, plenty of it. But the living standard of an average Pakistani was also rising.
Source: File
Design: Ali Darab
And I can say, without a doubt, that any Pakistani, irrespective of political affiliation, cannot deny the importance of hundreds of kilometres of highways constructed, a decrease in poverty levels by approximately 10% and the establishment of a wide network of universities.
If we look at it from a more macroeconomic perspective, Pakistan’s foreign exchange reserves rose to approximately $17 billion, and sectors such as manufacturing and IT saw unprecedented growth. A flourishing manufacturing sector and IT industry translates into jobs and employment opportunities, which in turn, means social security – one of the most fundamental requirements to lower petty crimes and thefts in a society.
Unemployment actually fell during the Musharraf years and rapidly rose during the years termed as ‘democratic’.
As facts tell us, it was nothing but a massive mirage of sorts.
Source: Economic Evaluation of Democracies and Dictatorships (http://www.slideshare.net)
Source: Economic Evaluation of Democracies and Dictatorships (http://www.slideshare.net)
Source: Musharraf’s Economic Legacy (http://www.riazhaq.com)
I don’t know about you but I would pick progress of this magnitude over meaningless constitutional violations any day. Yes, building institutions is important. But strong institutions only result from a process of evolution – they cannot be crafted artificially with superficial doses of ‘democratic governance’.
We may not realise it or we may not want to admit it, but the Musharraf years were more ‘democratic’ – at least for the common man.
Why, you ask?
Democracy is a mindset
I believe that democracy is a mind-set where dissent from the status quo is not brutally persecuted and suppressed. Democracy is not ‘the best revenge’ – it is the best, period.
Did we not see the rise of electronic media with an unprecedented freedom-of-expression during the years that some term as ‘undemocratic’. The years under Musharraf were far from being undemocratic and the biggest testament to this is the proliferation of electronic media which even had the liberty to take Musharraf himself to task when the need arose.
Freedom to question the official narrative was officially encouraged
Musharraf also set the precedent for his successors. His years in power set the practise of both, media and people freely questioning those in power without incurring either the wrath of the rulers or censorship. This was a massive achievement in Pakistan’s context and a key pre-requisite for true democratic dispensations. And we must acknowledge General Musharraf for this achievement.
Acknowledgment of mistakes – the good and bad go hand-in-hand
Yes, General Musharraf did make some mistakes – blunders that were too massive to be forgiven or forgotten. And yes, some of those had huge repercussions for the country. But then, who does not err? Is there any human that has never erred?
Other than the divinely appointed prophets and messengers of God, there is no human on earth who is perfect; the good and bad go hand-in-hand. One characteristic trait that I notice in most Pakistanis is that they not only forget their benefactors but they also fail to realise that a system can never be 100% perfect.
However, it is crucial to measure the performance of governments in terms of what they delivered to the people. Most people would agree without a doubt that the most prosperous years of Pakistan were those of Ayub Khan and General Musharraf.
Given all these facts, the question in my opinion is not whether we should indulge in a trial or not. The more pertinent question is whether we can afford it.
It is a classic cost-benefit and Return-On-Investment (ROI) analysis that most business organisations indulge in. After all, a country and its management are not very different from an organisation.
In fact, a country is an organisation by all definitions and practical implementations.
Remember – it was a hijack
The most important thing that we need to remember is that the airliner was officially hijacked without the slightest regard for all the regular Pakistanis who were returning home. This was not a Pakistan Armed Forces aircraft and neither was it a private jet on contract. A diversion of the plane without adequate fuel to sustain the air travel would have caused the plane to crash. Hence, my only question to the people is this,
“Is a treason trial more important than the verdict of death that was officially handed to each one of those Pakistanis on board PK-805?”Please let us invoke some sensibility and realise that even though General Musharraf did make mistakes, he also made sincere and honest efforts to transform the living standards for an average Pakistani with the little amount of ‘real power’ that he wielded.
The treatment that he is being meted out now makes my head fall in shame and rise in awe simultaneously.
Is this the way to treat a person who actually did something to make my life better?
Is it right to haul him to court under charges that are quite superficial compared to the improvements he brought in the social infrastructure of Pakistan?
What kind of a lesson are we sending to the future leaders of Pakistan – that if you dare to work towards improving the living conditions of Pakistanis, you would not only be prosecuted, but also persecuted and hounded?
While you are in the process of answering these questions, do try and recall that the plane was on the verge of a crash with approximately 198 Pakistani civilians on board.
It may be hard for some to fathom this but rulers never have absolute power. There are millions of interests that have to be accounted for prior to taking decisions that affect nations and their citizens.
Considering the sycophants that surrounded Musharraf, it is not only remarkable that he managed to bring about this little improvement to an average Pakistani’s living standards, it is also evidence that the General’s heart was in the right place.
So, on behalf of all Pakistanis who agree with me and those who will hopefully try to understand my point-of-view, this is what I have to say to General Musharraf,
“Dear Sir,
On behalf of all Pakistanis, I apologise to you. This is the least that I could do considering how you worked to make my life better. Thank you for your efforts.”
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