Wikileaks on Musharraf's Indemnity

SUBJECT: IMMUNITY FOR MUSHARRAF LIKELY AFTER ZARDARI’S ELECTION AS PRESIDENT REF: (A) ISLAMABAD 2742 (B) ISLAMABAD 2741 Classified By: Anne W. Patterson, for reasons 1.4 (b)(d) ¶1. (C) Summary. In separate meetings with Asif Zardari, PM Gilani and Chief of Army Staff Kayani, Ambassador pressed for quick action on immunity for former President Musharraf. Zardari and Gilani said flatly that they were committed to providing immunity, but not until after the presidential election (now scheduled for September 6). Pushing immunity now, they believed, could jeopardize Zardari’s candidacy. Kayani expressed concern that if immunity becomes tied up with the ongoing debate over the judges’ future, it may never happen. Zardari plans to continue to slow roll action on the judges’ restoration but remains confident that Nawaz Sharif will not walk out of the coalition. Nawaz’s deadlines for action on the judges continue to pass unfulfilled; the next one is scheduled for August 27. The decision by the Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) August 20 to back Zardari for President has strengthened Zardari’s hand against Nawaz. Nawaz is left with the option of walking out of the coalition but having little prospect of forcing a new general election in the short term. Zardari is walking tall these days, hopefully not too tall to forget his promise to Kayani and to us on an immunity deal. End Summary. ¶2. (C) Ambassador met with Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) leader Asif Zardari on August 23, with PM Gilani on August 21, and with COAS Kayani on August 20. ¶3. (C) Zardari told Ambassador August 23 that he was committed to indemnity for Musharraf. Ambassador stressed that only the promise of indemnity had persuaded Musharraf to step down as President. We believed, as we had often said, that Musharraf should have a dignified retirement and not be hounded out of the country. Zardari cited a British anecdote about the Spanish empire and said “tell the most powerful man in the world that there is no way that I would go back on what I have said.” Zardari noted that he already had firmly committed to the U.S., the UK, and Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Kayani that indemnity for Musharraf would be forthcoming. Ambassador urged him to do it quickly. Zardari said flatly that to do it before he was elected President would lose him votes, but he would do both the legislation and a presidential pardon as soon as he was elected. Zardari revealed that former President Musharraf had approached Chief Justice Dogar about issuing a restraining order against the impeachment motion, but Dogar had refused. Zardari also alleged that Musharraf had planned to replace COAS Kayani if Dogar had blocked the impeachment. 4. (C) Zardari said he was trying to keep Nawaz in the coalition and was candid that he planned to tie up the judges issue for a long time. He said the parliament would debate the restoration of the judges; Chief Justice Dogar would then submit some rulings on the restoration of the judges; all this could take months. In the meantime, he was trying to persuade former Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry to become Governor of Balochistan. (Note: In a move clearly orchestrated by Zardari, the Governor Magsi of Balochistan resigned on August 20, making it possible to offer the position to Chaudhry.) ¶5. (C) Zardari said he did not think Nawaz would leave the coalition, but he admitted the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz had become increasingly testy. He said that he had already agreed with Nawaz to curtail the powers of the President and then allow Nawaz to be eligible for a third term as Prime Minister; both measures would require constitutional amendments. Zardari revealed that he also had leverage over Shahbaz Sharif, who through paperwork snafus, had been technically elected illegally for a third term as Chief Minister. This, too, would have to be resolved in parliament, Zardari said. “So I can give them something they want,” noted Zardari, “that’s what politics is all about.” Kayani Worried -------------- ¶6. (C) After an August 20 meeting with visiting S/CT Coordinator Dell Dailey, Kayani asked Ambassador to stay behind and discuss his concerns that Zardari was delaying ISLAMABAD 00002802 002 OF 003 Musharraf,s immunity bill. Kayani had heard the large meeting of coalition partners (chaired August 19 by the newly returned Bilawal Bhutto) had discussed mostly the judges. Then they decided to take a 72-hour “break” to consult party members. ¶7. (C) As post earlier reported (Reftels), Kayani said he took Zardari,s commitments to now ex-President Musharraf as the most important argument in persuading him to resign. Zardari made very specific commitments to Kayani. Now, for Zardari to delay, it makes him (Kayani) look bad within his own institution “and I have to bring the Army along with me.” Kayani also noted that the delay does nothing for Zardari,s reputation for trustworthiness. If this issue gets conflated with the judges and with Zardari,s own desires to be President, it will become too complicated to pass, Kayani said. Gilani on Immunity, Bajaur, Subsidies ------------------------------------- ¶8. (C) Ambassador met with PM Gilani and Interior Minister Rehman Malik for thirty minutes August 21, after a graduation ceremony for U.S. trained members of his protective detail. He had been briefed about PDAS Camp’s discussion with Ambassador Haqqani. ¶9. (C) Gilani said the PPP was going to provide immunity for ex-President Musharraf, but timing was important. They were afraid that putting forward immunity legislation would lose them votes for Asif Zardari,s presidential campaign. Ambassador pressed on this issue, saying that Musharraf would never have agreed to resign without the promise of immunity. He assured Ambassador that he and the party did not want vengeance. Regarding immunity, Gilani said “many will say that we have done a deal with America, but still I understand that we have to do it.” ¶10. (C) Regarding the ongoing military operation on Bajaur (in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas), Gilani assured Ambassador that it will continue “to its conclusion,” i.e., until all the militants were driven out. Gilani said the next step would be to go after Taliban leader Baitullah Mehsud. Gilani wanted President Bush to know that over 500 militants had been killed in the operation and that the GOP had reached out to NATO (during General Kayani’s recent visit to Afghanistan for a tripartite meeting). He said Pakistan would do everything possible to encourage cooperation between the U.S. and Pakistani militaries. Gilani noted that Pakistan was using its F-16 aircraft to fight the militants and thanked the U.S. for providing funding for the F-16 mid-life upgrades. However, Gilani pleaded for urgent U.S. assistance in providing relief for displaced people around Bajaur and noted that fighting was spreading to neighboring Mohmand Agency. ¶11. (C) Malik suggested we hold off alleged Predator attacks until after the Bajaur operation. The PM brushed aside Rehman,s remarks and said “I don,t care if they do it as long as they get the right people. We,ll protest in the National Assembly and then ignore it.” (Note: The strike has been front page news, but the media is reporting that the targets were nests of Arab fighters.) ¶12. (C) Gilani said it would be almost politically impossible to reduce fuel subsidies (raise prices) in the short term along the lines Deputy Secretary Kimmitt had suggested to the Finance Minister. The coalition had restoration of the deposed judges, immunity for Musharraf, and the election of the new president on their plate. They were already taking enormous heat for previous fuel price increases. ¶13. (C) Comment: Nawaz may increasingly be considering leaving the coalition in the center and consolidating his hold in the Punjab because he cannot engineer a new general election in the short term. The addition of MQM’s support leaves Nawaz with less leverage over Zardari in the current coalition. The fight over Iftikhar Chaudhry probably is based on Nawaz’s expectation that Chaudhry would rule in both Nawaz’s and Shahbaz’s favor in pending court cases ISLAMABAD 00002802 003 OF 003 challenging their ability to run as candidates in the National and Punjab Assemblies respectively. Until he can sit in the National Assembly, Nawaz cannot be Prime Minister. PATTERSON

Musharraf Case - Aaghaz aur Anjam by Saleem Safi

Safi ko kia ho gya hai yar.. theek likh raha hai aj kal?

Trying Musharraf

By Muhammad Ali Ehsan Published: January 14, 2014

the ‘stripes and uniform’ will demand an honest answer to one simple question: how come we fought the war on terror for eight long years under a sipah salaar, who we are now being told by the politicians is a traitor and the enemy of the state?

The writer is a retired Lieutenant Colonel of the Pakistan Army and is currently pursuing PhD in civil-military relations from Karachi University

Here is the man and here also is the moment. To the dislike of many, I wouldn’t call him a traitor or a coward. Not so because in the ruffled and uneven playing field of civil-military relations in this country, a time comes when individual preference (boldness and courage) is substituted by institutional dictate (compromise not meaning surrender). Such a time came on the fateful and critical morning when the general left his farmhouse to appear in the special court. Earlier, those planting bombs (and those discovering them in time) on the route to the court were doing their best to give the much-needed time to the ‘solution seekers’ to find a way out of this predicament. The military has all along been the most concerned institution on the detention and trial of the general. A definite behind-the-scene ‘solution seeker’.

Displaying classic military unity, cohesion and discipline, the army, despite the obstacles in October 1999, rescued its leader mid-air. All the corps commanders and principal staff officers unanimously agreed to put the entire weight of the army’s power and support in rescuing its leader and ‘reinstating’ and elevating their ‘sipah salaar’ to the position of chief executive of the country. Back in 1999, the entire nation saw how the ‘COAS’s constituency’— the army — rose to defend both, its leader and its corporate interests. The truth is that the 1999 coup was neither ‘individual-led’ nor ‘individual-guided’. It was an institutional response to a crisis situation, the designers and architects of which belonged to the same ruling party that rules us today.

The party is characterised for practicing and employing some of the harsher methods of exercising civilian control over the military. From a failed ‘mid-air hijacking’ in the past to the present attempts of dragging the ex-sipah saalar of the army to face a trial under the charges of treason in court, the party refuses to step back and allow the military to function from within its ‘comfort zone’.

We know that many civilian eyebrows have been raised on the timing of the general’s heart and other multiple ailments. What we don’t know is that many ‘military eyebrows’ were also being raised on the detention and trial of its sipah salaar, who had commanded and led the military for eight long years. These raised military eyebrows have been asking some pertinent questions. Why should political questions be resolved through the judiciary? Didn’t Pakistanis and the politicians they elected collectively through the legislative assemblies, consented to President Musharraf’s authority and responsibility to protect the state of Pakistan? Didn’t he become democratically accountable to the voters when he held elections in 2002 and put in place a civilian government? The general has been in Pakistan for the last seven months. If high treason was the ultimate charge for which he was to be tried, then why this delay? Were the other cases more important than the fundamental case of usurpation of power and authority in violation of Article 6 of the Constitution? Who masterminded the timings of the initiation of this case to proceed after the retirement of General Kayani and the chief justice of the Supreme Court? These are some important questions and depending on how they are answered, we will know the direction the general’s flight will take in future.

You can’t berate the army and still expect General Raheel Sharif not to come under pressure for doing little or nothing at all. General Kayani’s mute response, while in service, may have drawn him appreciation and praise from politicians, but within his own constituency, ‘the army’, he was seen as a commander who avoided and sidestepped his responsibility. He owed it to his Boss.

The assumption that the army is not as powerful as before and its power is declining is a political assumption. In reality, the military is deducing from the political responses that ‘it’s the others who are trying to catch up’. It does not mean that the military’s power is declining. If catching up means attacking the corporate interests of the military, then I am afraid the stars will have to protect and safeguard the interests of ‘stripes and uniform’. Because if they fail to do that — and let me say that General Kayani failed — the ‘stripes and uniform’ will demand an honest answer to one simple question: how come we fought the war on terror for eight long years under a sipah salaar, who we are now being told by the politicians is a traitor and the enemy of the state?

Guilt and treason are the two significant words in Article 6. However, one word that comes to mind when you think of all the legislators and political parties, which voted and kept General Musharraf in power and which are now asking for his trial: ‘shameful’.

Published in The Express Tribune, January 14^th, 2014.

Musharraf Case - What to Do? by Talat Hussain

A realistic analysis of musharraf case

Have we forgotten what he did for Pakistan?

I do not agree to all of it, but most of it is correct...

Have you forgotten all that Musharraf did for you, Pakistan?

By Rafay Bin Ali 

Rulers never have absolute power. There are millions of interests that have to be accounted for prior to taking decisions that affect nations and their citizens. PHOTO: AFP

It was just another day, on October 12, 1999, in New York City where I was an undergraduate student. Little did I realise then that it was the day that would go down as one of the most controversial days in Pakistan’s history.
It was the day when the Pakistan International Airlines’ (PIA) flight PK 805, was denied landing rights in Pakistan on its return from Sri Lanka. A detour out of Pakistani territory would have meant an imminent crash of the commercial airliner, due to low fuel, with its 198 passengers on board. Amongst the passengers was none other than General Pervez Musharraf – a man who was to become the country’s first-ever Chief Executive and was destined to bring about some positive social changes in the life of the average Pakistani.
In his book Hijacking from the Ground, Mr Aminullah Chaudhry, then director general Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) in Karachi, narrated the incident in the following words:

Hijacking From The Ground. Source: Google Books (www.books.google.com.pk)

General Pervez Musharraf was truly a blessing in disguise for all Pakistanis. Whether we dare to admit it or not, Pakistan saw some of its best years in terms of economic progress and social stability under his rule.
I, for one – an average Pakistani – have intermediate needs to worry about which my counterparts in the West often take for granted.
Social security, which forms the hallmark of the democratic and developed governance systems of the West, is absent without a doubt. In the absence of government support, issues such as employment, wages and prices take precedence over treason trials. Although it is critical and vital to get our ‘houses’ of governance in order, usually the systems follow strong social foundations. However, in Pakistan we seem to have it the other way around – a top-down approach – where we aim to develop macro systems of governance without considering the ground realities.
These ground realities are that life and living conditions for an average Pakistani are at an all-time low. Although we saw a moderate rise in living standards during the years of General Musharraf, even those indicators have fallen during the last five years.
Ask any Pakistani and I can bet that they would say that we were more financially sound from the perspective of an average Pakistan then than we are currently.
Over the last five years, the lower-middle class has slipped into further financial decline.
Still don’t believe me?
For a quick comparison, please take a look at the infographic below to put things into perspective. The graph clearly shows that the economic decline only came about after Musharraf vacated the presidential seat. A growth rate of 5.14% is only a consequence of sound economic policies that trickled down to the common Pakistani. Yes, there was probably corruption and most likely, plenty of it. But the living standard of an average Pakistani was also rising.

Source: File

Now compare this with some figures from as recent as 2013 when inflation was at 11.3% in April.

Design: Ali Darab

Moving onto factors other than economic prosperity, I, an average Pakistani, care more about the fact that our literacy rate rose by approximately 11% under Musharraf than about the technical fact that the constitution was held in abeyance by him.
And I can say, without a doubt, that any Pakistani, irrespective of political affiliation, cannot deny the importance of hundreds of kilometres of highways constructed, a decrease in poverty levels by approximately 10% and the establishment of a wide network of universities.
If we look at it from a more macroeconomic perspective, Pakistan’s foreign exchange reserves rose to approximately $17 billion, and sectors such as manufacturing and IT saw unprecedented growth.  A flourishing manufacturing sector and IT industry translates into jobs and employment opportunities, which in turn, means social security – one of the most fundamental requirements to lower petty crimes and thefts in a society.
Unemployment actually fell during the Musharraf years and rapidly rose during the years termed as ‘democratic’.
As facts tell us, it was nothing but a massive mirage of sorts.

Source: Economic Evaluation of Democracies and Dictatorships (http://www.slideshare.net)

Moreover, inflation was tightly controlled as illustrated in the following graph:

Source: Economic Evaluation of Democracies and Dictatorships (http://www.slideshare.net)

Still, in case you doubt statistics reported by local bodies, here is what the World Bank reports about the overall economic performance of Pakistan during Musharraf’s reign.

Source: Musharraf’s Economic Legacy (http://www.riazhaq.com)

Hence, it comes as no surprise that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) declared Pakistan as the fastest growing economy after China and India during his years.
I don’t know about you but I would pick progress of this magnitude over meaningless constitutional violations any day. Yes, building institutions is important. But strong institutions only result from a process of evolution – they cannot be crafted artificially with superficial doses of ‘democratic governance’.
We may not realise it or we may not want to admit it, but the Musharraf years were more ‘democratic’ – at least for the common man. 
Why, you ask?
Democracy is a mindset
I believe that democracy is a mind-set where dissent from the status quo is not brutally persecuted and suppressed. Democracy is not ‘the best revenge’ – it is the best, period.
Did we not see the rise of electronic media with an unprecedented freedom-of-expression during the years that some term as ‘undemocratic’. The years under Musharraf were far from being undemocratic and the biggest testament to this is the proliferation of electronic media which even had the liberty to take Musharraf himself to task when the need arose. 
Freedom to question the official narrative was officially encouraged
Musharraf also set the precedent for his successors. His years in power set the practise of both, media and people freely questioning those in power without incurring either the wrath of the rulers or censorship. This was a massive achievement in Pakistan’s context and a key pre-requisite for true democratic dispensations. And we must acknowledge General Musharraf for this achievement. 
Acknowledgment of mistakes – the good and bad go hand-in-hand
Yes, General Musharraf did make some mistakes – blunders that were too massive to be forgiven or forgotten. And yes, some of those had huge repercussions for the country. But then, who does not err? Is there any human that has never erred?
Other than the divinely appointed prophets and messengers of God, there is no human on earth who is perfect; the good and bad go hand-in-hand. One characteristic trait that I notice in most Pakistanis is that they not only forget their benefactors but they also fail to realise that a system can never be 100% perfect.
However, it is crucial to measure the performance of governments in terms of what they delivered to the people. Most people would agree without a doubt that the most prosperous years of Pakistan were those of Ayub Khan and General Musharraf.
Given all these facts, the question in my opinion is not whether we should indulge in a trial or not. The more pertinent question is whether we can afford it.
It is a classic cost-benefit and Return-On-Investment (ROI) analysis that most business organisations indulge in. After all, a country and its management are not very different from an organisation.
In fact, a country is an organisation by all definitions and practical implementations.
Remember – it was a hijack
The most important thing that we need to remember is that the airliner was officially hijacked without the slightest regard for all the regular Pakistanis who were returning home. This was not a Pakistan Armed Forces aircraft and neither was it a private jet on contract. A diversion of the plane without adequate fuel to sustain the air travel would have caused the plane to crash. Hence, my only question to the people is this,

“Is a treason trial more important than the verdict of death that was officially handed to each one of those Pakistanis on board PK-805?”

Please let us invoke some sensibility and realise that even though General Musharraf did make mistakes, he also made sincere and honest efforts to transform the living standards for an average Pakistani with the little amount of ‘real power’ that he wielded.
The treatment that he is being meted out now makes my head fall in shame and rise in awe simultaneously.
Is this the way to treat a person who actually did something to make my life better?
Is it right to haul him to court under charges that are quite superficial compared to the improvements he brought in the social infrastructure of Pakistan?
What kind of a lesson are we sending to the future leaders of Pakistan – that if you dare to work towards improving the living conditions of Pakistanis, you would not only be prosecuted, but also persecuted and hounded?
While you are in the process of answering these questions, do try and recall that the plane was on the verge of a crash with approximately 198 Pakistani civilians on board.
It may be hard for some to fathom this but rulers never have absolute power. There are millions of interests that have to be accounted for prior to taking decisions that affect nations and their citizens.
Considering the sycophants that surrounded Musharraf, it is not only remarkable that he managed to bring about this little improvement to an average Pakistani’s living standards, it is also evidence that the General’s heart was in the right place.
So, on behalf of all Pakistanis who agree with me and those who will hopefully try to understand my point-of-view, this is what I have to say to General Musharraf,

“Dear Sir,
On behalf of all Pakistanis, I apologise to you. This is the least that I could do considering how you worked to make my life better. Thank you for your efforts.”

Ummat e Muslima ka Mujrim? by Aurya

Musharaf poori ummat ka mujrim hai??

Kia Ham Bhool Gaye? by Dr Atta ur Rehman

Urdu version of Lest We Forget

Thoray ko Bahut Samjhen

Mai Darta Warta nai hoon...

Thotha Channa Bajay Ghana by Haroon ur Rasheed

Aaj samajh aya iss mohavray ka matlab :D

Palat k Dekho by Haroon Rasheed

Lessons from History

Commando ki Phansi by Waqar Qureshi

The Original Link http://think-pk.blogspot.com/2014/01/commando-ki-phansi.html

Kiya ye Nishani Kafi nai?

Musharraf Mantaq

Mush nai tai kuch nai..

Aur bhe Gham hain Musharraf k siwa by Nusrat Javed

There is a lot to focus other than musharraf

New NRO by Javed Ch

New NRO for Musharraf

Mushtari Hoshyar Bash

Beware of the Bigger Game...

Jiss Dhajj se Koi Maqtal mai Gya

Munafiqaton k Darmyan by Muqtada Mansoor

Are We in Our Senses?? by Fraz Naqvi

Are We in Our Senses???????

In a country where Zardari has been the elected president for 5 consecutive years, where Miyan saab is a 3rd time prime minister whose Assets grew 3600 Times in 10 years after he entered politics, where not even a single parliamentarian fits in the description of Article 62 & 63 of the constitution, where local body elections have not  been held in 7 years, violating the constitution, where Black Economy is more than 10 times the total budget of the country, where Parliamentarians, industrialists, bureaucrats, judges and generals all are Billionaires but none of them Pays even 1 % of the Tax.
   Where Corruption, Munafiqat, Cheating, Adultery, Badmaashi are the National Traits, a society which is filled with sex perverts, rapists, blackmailers, religious fanatics, extremists, liberal fascists n bla bla bla, where doctors are the killers and politicians are the looters and Godfathers of corruption, where bureaucrats are  either puppets or themselves the gangsters.
   Where extra judicial murders are a routines, where bribe is the order of the day for common man at markets, courts, govt offices etc, where nepotism is the main selection criteria for jobs and appointments, where maulvis are the child molesters, where innocents are killed in the name of islam, where everyone is a victim of terrorism, may it be state terrorism, taleban terrorism, maulana terrorim or media terrorism.
   Where killers and rapists are pardoned again using Islamic laws, where Mob Mentality drives people crazy up to the limit that innocents are publicly tortured to deaths and no one is punished, where security guards kill the persons they are guarding and there are people who not only publicly defend them, rather arrange red carpet arrangements for their court hearings, and where despite the confessions, courts are unable to punish the convicted out of fear.
   Where elections are rigged, votes are purchased, roads are blocked and public / private property is damaged in the name of protests, where being a minority is a symbol of poverty and lack of equal rights and being a minority sect is a Death Certificate... 

  In such a country, we want to Hang a Traitor who is Former Army Chief, former president and whose Era was Better as Compared to ANY other leader in the History of the country, who is neither corrupt, nor a tax evader, neither his Son is playing havoc with innocent girls' lives, nor he has a hereditary corrupt state within a state in his name .... and on what charge??? that he bypassed the SACRED CONSTITUTION????????????????? 
I mean, Really???

 Are We in Our Senses???????

Bar'hkon ka Imtehan by Talat Hussain